Purpose

Ahead of the coming general election, the Greenwatch team hopes that the climate crisis will be seen by political parties and voters alike with the seriousness that it deserves. To serve as a guide on climate policies, we have prepared our own Climate Scorecard, a tool to measure the ambition each party shows in their manifestos and campaigns to tackle climate change. We aim for this to benefit both parties and voters. For parties, we hope that our scorecard can be a useful framework to ensure that policies address the many dimensions of climate change. For voters, we hope that this can be a helpful guide in understanding what is at stake with climate change, and where each party stands.

Green Transition

The green transition demands that we think seriously about how we live with each other and how our world is interconnected. The climate crisis is not just an environmental problem, but it is a problem borne out of years of unequal relationships; with our planet and also, with one another. Conducting extractive activities on the land of vulnerable communities to satiate our greed for fossil fuel energy is an apt example of how the climate crisis is built on the extensive exploitation of our earth and people. This transition will allow us to reflect on histories upon histories of social, political and economic injustices and oppression. It will allow us to reexamine our priorities, how our focus on economic growth has caused the planet to suffer and how unjust our societies have become because we did not value the wellbeing of all. And it will also allow us to realise a net-zero carbon society, with mass adoption of renewable energy, and a world under 1.5 degrees of warming.

The green transition must be one premised on equity, collaboration and compassion. Policies for the green transition must be structural in nature and must move us towards transforming all facets of government and society. This will ensure that future generations will have a much fairer world to live in. The government must also allow for more citizen engagement and must take into account the voices of all citizens, including the ones who may be currently kept out of conversations due to socio-political and cultural barriers; the policy-making process must be more accessible and transparent. Finally, the green transition must also acknowledge the rights of various environmental entities—natural spaces, ecosystems, and individual species—that share this earth with us.

Methodology

Greenwatch is a politically nonpartisan campaign. Our scoring is meant to reflect Greenwatch’s assessment of each party’s policies based on our environmental criteria, which draws upon and applies the recommendations of IPCC and other renowned climate science to Singapore’s context.

We have created a scale from -3 to +3 to evaluate each party’s policies in relation to our policy brief. A positive score means that the party has entirely, substantially or partially met our ask(s). A score of NA means that there is insufficient information to score the party on that environmental criteria. A negative score means either that (a) the party might have made positive commitments, but we have considerable doubt or concerns about the legitimacy of these commitments or (b) that the party has either actively committed to or passively supported policy actions that lead to more carbon emissions and exacerbate the climate crisis.

Comparative Summary

Only the People’s Action Party (PAP) government, Workers’ Party (WP), and Singapore Democratic Party (SDP) have released, in one form or another, sufficient information on their climate policy stances to be evaluated in the Greenwatch Scorecard. The parties scored +8, +13, and +16 respectively, on a scale of -90 to +90. This summary will highlight key differences between the parties’ scores in the 11 sub-sections.

While Climate Scorecards in other countries may assess parties on equal footing, Greenwatch recognises the asymmetrical quality of Singaporean politics. Each party was largely scored according to its capacity for action: the PAP government, on the policies it has implemented; the WP, on its Parliamentary speeches and questions; the SDP, which did not have the opportunity to do either, was scored on its 40-page climate policy paper. Additionally, the Scorecard considered statements made by politicians from all the parties, due to the dearth of climate considerations on all three parties’ official platforms.

The PAP Government scored well in the transport, adaptation, and buildings sections. This was due to their clear, well articulated plans for greater investment in public transport, climate mitigation infrastructure, and also waste reduction. In contrast, the two opposition parties scored well in the collective action section, owing to significant contributions from both parties towards strengthening democracy and encouraging public participation. For championing expanded social welfare policies, they also scored well in the equity section.

All three parties have significant areas for improvement, the biggest being their respective positions on the fossil fuel industry. The PAP was penalised heavily for their clear, continued support in expanding the role of fossil fuels in Singapore. The WP, on the other hand, has no clear stand on the fossil fuel industry. This might be interpreted as tacit support for the status quo set by the PAP government, and can only change when the party clarifies its position. Lastly, the SDP fared much better than both parties, having criticised the close ties between the state and Big Oil. However, it needs to have a clear plan on divestment from fossil fuels to back up its statements of intent.

Overall, all three parties have made a promising start on thinking about what is needed to combat the climate crisis, but much more work still needs to be done. Greenwatch hopes that the scorecard will go some way in the three parties with guidelines from which to craft future climate policies.

Progress Singapore Party

PSP’s manifesto only made one specific mention of the environment - “Maintain balance between economic development and environmental protection for the sake of future generations” - which is too vague to derive any stance or policy proposal by the party.

However, they have some policies which may be helpful towards creating greater equity and space for collective action, such as increased workfare and ComCare payouts. In terms of collective action, they have also stressed that their political policies will be guided by “accountability, transparency and independence” and “freedom of speech and expression to weave a richer national fabric”. For the latter, specific policies such as a POFMA review and relaxed regulations of media and the arts are put forth.

With that being said, the party’s stance on foreign labour may inadvertently be encouraging the rising wave of xenophobia in Singapore. It is unclear how the PSP will deal with this as they have yet to confront this issue.

Peoples Voice

Though they have yet to release a manifesto, People’s Voice has definitely spoken out on climate change. In a video posted last year, Lim Tean questioned if Singapore’s current policies to mitigate climate change, such as their IPCC agreement, were actually enough. He also criticised their then-lack of implementation for EVs and expansion of Seletar Airport for private jets. Lim also spoke about Singapore’s ties to major oil corporations and the fossil fuel industry, suggesting a shift towards renewable energy and making solar panels mandatory on buildings.

However, PV’s response to the climate issue has its own problems as well. In that same video, Lim criticized the implementation of a carbon tax by saying the “carbon tax is not necessarily going to make a country more carbon friendly”, without taking into account the impacts a carbon tax can indeed make on emissions if implemented fairly and correctly. Furthermore, PV is dangerously close to exhibiting eco-nationalist policies, having been heavily nationalistic in their proposals against migrant workers in this video blurred by the cameraman’s finger. They must ensure that their form of climate action does not discriminate and create a tough situation for those already underprivileged in society.

Lastly, the party put out a headline that said “Climate Change Is Nothing But A Distraction Ploy By The PAP Government!”. Make of that what you will.

National Solidarity Party

In their 2020 manifesto, the NSP failed to account for climate change and has not made any comments about climate change in the past. Thus, we are unsure of their stance towards climate action, and the lack of the slightest mention of the issue is worrying.

Some of their policy points do promote a better space for collective (environmental) action though, such as the call to review and abolish POFMA while also questioning the Internal Security Act. Furthermore, they have called for transparency regarding the details of new HDB projects to allow evaluation of their cost efficiency. While environmental considerations were not mentioned, this could open the door for greater transparency towards Environmental Impact Assessments (EIAs) for new building projects.

Singapore Democratic Alliance

The SDA's manifesto makes no mention of the environment, or of climate change. In a 20 Answers With... video posted by MothershipSG, SDA’s leader Desmond Lim spoke briefly about how Singapore was at risk due to rising sea levels. He suggested that Singapore could take on more efforts in recycling and encouraging people to use less plastic. Beyond that, there has been no other explicit mention of environmental issues.

The SDA also advocates for a 'Singaporean First' policy, connecting lax immigration policies with a lack of jobs for Singaporeans. Although they acknowledge that foreigners are good for Singapore, the SDA should be cautious about the potential slide into xenophobic politics.

People's Power Party

The PPP has made no mention of the climate crisis in their manifestos.

Red Dot United

While Red Dot United (RDU) has expressed that it will be “advocating for policies that will help prepare Singapore for the future, in areas such as climate change and population growth”, the party’s approach appears largely incremental and it lacks a plan that goes beyond identifying particular areas for improvement.

Climate policy: RDU devoted a small section of their manifesto to climate change and outlined a few ideas, albeit rather vaguely and without much detail, making it difficult to determine if the proposals are different from that of existing policies. The party supports a switch to clean energy, and proposes “exploring the feasibility of solar panels and wind turbines in public spaces” and regional collaboration for renewable energy. They also expressed support for electric vehicles and waste reduction, but did not elaborate more on how this support would translate. For waste, the party mentioned increasing public education in the 3Rs, which is again not dissimilar to existing policies. They have also proposed scaling back rapid deforestation and increasing reforestation, which again lacks sufficient detail. It is also unclear what they mean by “social infrastructure for climate change purposes”.

Collective action: RDU has voiced proposals which can positively affect the space for collective action. Similar to other parties, they have asked for a review of POFMA, ISA and the Public Order Act as well as advocated for a Freedom of Information Act.

Equity: RDU has argued for the government to recognise the value of care work by contributing to these caregivers’ CPF accounts, although this extends only to parents who choose to stay at home to care for their children.

Who are the people involved in grading the climate scorecard, and what are their credentials in the field of environmental science and policy? Were experts in the respective fields or people working in these industries consulted when scoring those categories?

The Greenwatch team consists of people from SG Climate Rally and Speak For Climate. We undertook around 4-5 months of research, poring over policy papers, conversing with government officials and political parties, to obtain a thorough understanding of their climate policies. All facts presented in the government scorecard have been clarified with government agencies as well. Therefore, it is unnecessary to shore up the factual bedrock of our scorecard with our own ‘credentials’. As for the scores themselves, they are entirely the opinion of the Greenwatch team, and we encourage Singaporeans to look at the details for each question in the scorecard and see for themselves the credibility of our justifications. If you believe that there are significant points that we might have overlooked, feel free to contact us at sg.climaterally@gmail.com.

Furthermore, in constructing the scoring methodology, we also consulted numerous notable academics in the environmental humanities and sciences, though many of them preferred to remain unnamed. This is because involvement in political activities in Singapore could threaten their livelihoods, an unfortunate reality of the present political climate.

Is politicising climate change the best way to bring attention to the issue?

Climate change is an inherently political issue. Around the world, companies that profit from or contribute to the climate crisis spend millions of dollars lobbying politicians to prevent stronger climate legislation, nationally or internationally; in many countries, fossil fuel industries are closely tied to structures of political power, entrenching their presence.

In Singapore, the de-politicisation of issues like climate change is, in fact, a political action. It privileges status quo understandings of the world and methods of governance, such as technocratic leadership and financial orthodoxy, over others. While these understandings are not inherently bad in all contexts, if left unchallenged they will uphold the existing global fossil fuel-led growth system, as they have for decades. This is the same system that will continue to exacerbate the climate crisis. Therefore, in acknowledging the politics of climate change, we are able to challenge the assumptions that underpin these understandings and methods of governance; only through doing so can the fossil fuel system be gradually drawn down, and a habitable climate preserved.

Are we holding the incumbent (PAP) government to a higher standard than opposition parties, who are able to voice policies that they are not in a position to implement?

We have designed our scorecard to be as comprehensive as possible, covering many different areas of environmental policy. Given this range of scoring categories, it can be expected that not every party, in particular the smaller parties, will have detailed solutions in every area. In such cases, we will give the party aN NA on that particular metric. More well-resourced parties will have more opportunities to score higher if they can come up with good ideas and proposals, but on the flipside they are also liable to more negative scores in areas where status quo policies are detrimental to a habitable climate. We designed our scoring system with this in mind so that we can grade parties with a degree of fairness in view of their relative capacities.

How can opposition parties help to bring about better outcomes for Singapore, even if they articulate a desire for stronger climate policies?

Even if opposition parties are not in a position to form a government in the next election, they play the critical role of voicing alternative visions to status quo policies. If opposition parties have bolder climate policies with clear support from voters, the incumbent party is forced to respond to win the support of climate-concerned voters.

How can Singapore draw down its fossil fuel industry if the establishment of renewable industries as an alternative is not feasible in Singapore?

One common misconception is that Singapore’s oil refining and petrochemical industry functions primarily to supply energy for Singapore’s power needs. These industries are in fact export-oriented and serve global markets. Decarbonisation requires reshaping these export-oriented sectors to reduce their environmental impacts, as well as a transition towards renewable energy sources for our domestic needs.

Another point to note is that increasing the share of renewable energy, namely solar, in our energy mix is feasible. A recent study published by the Solar Energy Research Institute of Singapore (SERIS) at the National University of Singapore (NUS) and commissioned by the Singapore government has highlighted that with the right mix of policies, Singapore’s solar capacity could grow to 5 gigawatt-peak (GWp) by 2050, up from 350 megawatt-peak (MWp) today. This means that by 2050, solar energy generated locally could meet 43% of electric power demand during mid-day. Furthermore, even if few off-the-shelf solutions are currently suited to Singapore’s context, there remains the potential to use novel and cost-effective urban solar applications.

Regional projects also represent untapped potential. As mentioned in our scorecard, the Singapore government could also deepen its commitments in regional energy projects, for instance through the ASEAN Power Grid or bilateral partnerships such as the Australian-Singapore Power Link, which is projected to supply a fifth of Singapore’s power needs through solar energy.

Are there viable replacements for other important by-products of the petrochemical industry if we remove it or reduce its presence in Singapore?

Non-fuel products of the petrochemical industry include the chemical building blocks for plastics, detergents, adhesive, and other products, known as synthetic polymers. These synthetic polymers are a small fraction of the yield from a barrel of crude oil; most of the products yielded are various fuels.

Some, but not all, of these materials will remain important. On the other hand, Singapore’s emissions will continue rising if we continue to expand the industry. Therefore, we must reconfigure production to retain necessary products while drawing down the industry so that it is no longer geared towards maximising profits at the cost of environmental and human harm. There are ways of making current processes more sustainable - such as by involving a mix of emerging technologies, from using sustainably-sourced chemical feedstocks to capturing carbon emitted as a by-product of industrial processes - but this must be done in tandem with a targeted drawdown of the industry, not an expansion.

Ultimately, if a habitable climate is to exist, emissions from the petrochemical industry will have to decline at some point, and preparing for that early by drawing down production, retraining workers, and heavily researching alternatives is the best way forward.

With a carbon tax, won’t corporations simply pass additional costs on to consumers, increasing cost of living without actually reducing emissions?

By putting an appropriate price on carbon emissions, we ensure that the prices of fossil fuels reflect the costs of climate disruption to society, and leverage the capacity of the market to enable emissions reductions. It also signals to polluting companies that their social legitimacy is dwindling.

That said, a large proportion of Singapore’s emissions are in sectors that serve export markets. This means that much of the share of these costs will be borne by corporations, as well as foreign consumers. With a well-designed carbon tax policy, wealth can be transferred from corporations and global consumers to the Singapore budget, which can then be distributed back to the Singapore people.

Greenwatch believes that revenues from carbon taxes should be held in a differentiated fund and progressively redistributed according to residents’ needs as carbon dividends. This arrangement should be instituted into legislation. Such an arrangement would be fundementally different from the current system, which gives households one-off utilities rebates to offset the rise in cost of electricity and gas. These rebates may or may not be drawn from the carbon tax revenues collected. Carbon dividends, on the other hand, give citizens a direct benefit from the carbon tax policy.

How will the government’s transport decarbonisation plan work, given that certain sectors like long distance road vehicles, ships and planes cannot be electrified and will need to rely on internal combustion engines?

The government’s attempts at decarbonisation in land transport focus mainly on last mile transport and moving away from a car-first public transport policy. However, there is room for more measures that reflect the full social cost of car ownership and reclaim car space through people-centric street design.

As for decarbonising the shipping and airline industries, there is still much scientific work to be done. Regarding emissions in these sectors, the government has articulated several policies. Singapore will participate in (1) the voluntary phase of the Carbon Offsetting and Reduction Scheme for International Aviation (CORSIA) to freeze carbon footprint, improve energy efficiency and study the use of sustainable aviation fuels, and (2) launch the Maritime Singapore Decarbonisation Blueprint 2050 next year, placing $40 million under the Maritime GreenFuture Fund. More details on this have yet to be released.

Apart from renewables and divesting from fossil fuels, what are Singapore’s prospects for setting up an economy providing services for carbon sequestration?

The government has said that technologies such as carbon capture and storage (CCS) are one of three key thrusts in its low emissions development strategy, but has not shared further details. The financial and technological viability of such a solution is still being explored. Therefore, a more detailed CCS R&D plan would be immensely helpful to further reduce industrial emissions, which make up 60% of our total emissions.

Will liquid alternative fuels such as biofuels, ammonia and hydrogen also allow the transition of jobs from the petrochemicals to renewable energy industry?

Alternative forms of energy are an important part of the green transition and the shift away from fossil fuels. The National Climate Change Secretariat (NCCS) has mentioned in its Low Emissions Development Strategy (LEDS) that low-carbon hydrogen is an option that the Singapore government is keen on exploring. However, this alternative energy source is still in a nascent stage of development and may not be a viable option in the near term. Nonetheless, it is key that Singapore is proactive in researching and pioneering these alternatives to generate jobs for Singaporeans as the fossil fuel industry continues to decline globally.

How much R&D is the government putting into renewable energy, and should environmental groups also try to influence the private sector to develop the necessary technology?

The government is currently pushing for solar deployment through the SolarNova programme. Additionally, a few private actors have announced large investments into solar energy projects around the region. However, the outcomes of these projects are ultimately based on financial considerations, and the government has indicated that it does not want to “interfere” with market signals in this area.

As much as corporate initiatives are welcome, our green transition must not be dependent on market pressures; the government should take a stronger role in developing this sector, such as through Industry Transformation Maps (ITMs), which it has drawn up for other key industries, and the Emerging Stronger Taskforce, that it has set up to provide recommendations for a post-Covid-19 economy. The green transition is no less important.

Is data availability and disclosure an important issue around climate action; has it been evaluated in the Greenwatch scorecard and included in the #AskYourCandidate question list?

While data availability is not specifically mentioned in the scorecard or question list, Greenwatch does consider it a significant issue that overlaps with climate action. Under the ‘collective action’ category, the scorecard asks the following question: “How transparent and open to participation is the government with the public and other civil society groups during its policymaking processes?” The scorecard assigns a score of -1 to this question due to several factors associated with lack of transparency around government data and policy making processes. More information can be found under the ‘details’ tab of this question on the scorecard.

What are the government's climate targets and timeframes under the Paris Agreement?

What timeframe has the party set for its climate targets?

People's Action Party

The PAP government’s ‘reductions target’ constitutes an absolute emissions increase until 2030, which does not meet our commitment to reduce emissions as soon as possible. A continued increase in emissions until 2030 fails to model a pathway to the IPCC target for 1.5 degree warming.

Elaboration

• Singapore’s 2020 update to its Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC), our emissions target, does not change the level of carbon emissions we aim for in 2030. In 2015, Singapore targeted reducing emissions as a factor of GDP by 36% (below 2005 levels), by 2030. At the time, the 2030 target was estimated to be 65 MTCO2e based on projected GDP growth. In 2020, Singapore targeted an absolute peak emission level of 65 MtCO2e around 2030. The 2015 and 2020 targets are similar.
• The updated target of 65 MTCO2e by 2030 is ~28% above 2014 emissions of 50.9 MTCO2e. Singapore needs to considerably improve its reduction target.
• The second part of the new NDC, which aims to reach half of 2030's emissions by 2050, also lacks ambition. Half of 2030 emissions (65 MtCO2e) is 33 MtCO2e, which would mean only a return to 1997 emission levels according to Climate Action Tracker’s data. In order to keep global warming to within 1.5 degrees celsius, net global emissions need to reach 0 MtCO2e by 2050
• There appears to be no desire to meet the IPCC target for 1.5 degree warming. PM Lee Hsien Loong has declared that it is not practical for Singapore to reach net zero emissions by 2050.

What are the government's climate targets and timeframes under the Paris Agreement?

What timeframe has the party set for its climate targets?

Worker's Party

The WP has mentioned that current climate targets should be improved upon, though no new targets are currently proposed by the party.

Elaboration

• The WP’s 2020 election manifesto sets a 10% renewable energy target for Singapore by 2025 (30); this does not, however, constitute a target on carbon emissions reduction.
• In 2019, the party’s published stance on climate change voiced an intention to ‘go beyond’ the emissions indicator as highlighted by the current government.
• However, there is no proposed climate target set by the party, and no timeframe for this improvement.

What are the government's climate targets and timeframes under the Paris Agreement?

What timeframe has the party set for its climate targets?

Singapore Democratic Party

While the SDP says it will improve current climate targets, no new targets have been proposed by the party in its most recent policy paper.

Elaboration

• The SDP has said that it will “significantly upgrade the Nationally Determined Contributions (NDC) we signed under the Paris Agreement to lower and eventually remove harmful emissions”; however, the targets are not clearly articulated (p.4).
• The SDP has highlighted the importance of keeping up with Paris Agreement targets for 1.5 degree warming (p.4).

What are the government's climate targets and timeframes under the Paris Agreement?

What timeframe has the party set for its climate targets?

Singapore People's Party

The SPP has not articulated any climate targets (with regards to the Paris Agreement) in their manifesto.

What are the government's climate targets and timeframes under the Paris Agreement?

What timeframe has the party set for its climate targets?

Reform Party

Reform Party proposes to reduce absolute emissions by 40% by 2030 and to reach “as close as possible” to net zero by 2050

• The party argues that Singapore’s “current targets are woefully inadequate” and that “being a signatory is not sufficient”.
• “Reform Party policy is to aim to reduce our absolute emissions to reach as close as possible net zero in 2050 with an ambitious target of 40% by 2030.”

What overarching declarations, motions or legislation have the party put forth to tackle climate change?

People's Action Party

To achieve more ambitious targets, a coordinated government approach, informed by a legally binding climate change legislation, must be adopted. While current policies by various ministries constitute a clear effort to meet current targets, these targets are insufficient.

Elaboration

• In Parliament in 2019, PAP MP Dr Lim Wee Kiak said that “Singapore should consider enacting a Climate Change Act” which legally binds the country to meeting its climate targets. Countries like Britain and Norway have put in place a Climate Change act; Malaysia has been scoping and drafting a Climate Change Act. However, since this mention of the Act in Parliament, it has not been discussed further.
• That said, the PAP government has made several encouraging commitments to tackle climate change. In Budget 2020, Minister for Finance Heng Swee Keat detailed several new national climate policies, including ambitious transport electrification, HDB Green Towns Programs, and a Coastal Protection Fund. In 2016, the National Climate Change Secretariat (NCCS) published a paper detailing various business- and household-centred policies to “Improve Energy and Carbon Efficiency, Reduce Emissions in Power Generation, Deploy Low-Carbon Technology, and Encourage Collective Climate Action.”
• The creation of the Inter-Ministerial Committee on Climate Change (IMCCC) within the Prime Minister’s Office in 2007 reflects a Whole-of-Government approach to climate change. The IMCCC was established to coordinate across governments to reduce our emissions and to prepare for the consequences of climate change.
• Singapore also contributes to the reduction of emissions in the aviation and maritime industry. Singapore sits on the council of the International Maritime Organisation and International Civil Aviation Organisation to tackle international transport emissions. The PAP government has announced that it will participate in (1) the voluntary phase of the Carbon Offsetting and Reduction Scheme for International Aviation (CORSIA) to freeze carbon footprint, improve energy efficiency and study the use of sustainable aviation fuels, and (2) launch the Maritime Singapore Decarbonisation Blueprint 2050 next year, placing $40 million under the Maritime GreenFuture Fund.

What overarching declarations, motions or legislation have the party put forth to tackle climate change?

Workers' Party

The WP has raised proposals to combat climate change through measuring and accounting for multiple sectors. However, the party has yet to produce an overarching declaration or motion on the scope of actions required to tackle climate change in Singapore.

Elaboration

• During the second reading of the 2018 Carbon Pricing Bill and in their 2019 statement, the party proposed multiple amendments to existing policies, covering domains such as biodiversity, urban planning, and Environmental Impact Assessments (EIA). However, the party has yet to produce an overarching climate change plan.
• Their 2015 manifesto proposed the implementation of a regularly updated Climate Change Risk Assessment.

What overarching declarations, motions or legislation have the party put forth to tackle climate change?

Singapore Democratic Party

The SDP has voiced several proposals to combat climate change, such as renewables, EVs, and single-use plastic reduction. However, the party has yet to state an overarching declaration or motion on action required to tackle climate change.

Elaboration

• The purpose of this question is to acknowledge each party’s overarching masterplan to tackle climate change. Though SDP has published a paper on climate policies, the policies stated are articulated in a piecemeal fashion.

What overarching declarations, motions or legislation have the party put forth to tackle climate change?

Singapore People's Party

The SPP has not articulated any overarching declarations, notions or legislations (with regards to climate change) in their manifesto.

What overarching declarations, motions or legislation have the party put forth to tackle climate change?

Reform Party

Reform Party proposes a “Response to Climate Change Act”, which constitutes a legal framework that will be used to coordinate the whole-of-government actions required to reach their aim of net zero carbon emissions by 2050.

Elaboration

• The Reform Party proposes that this Act will mandate “ambitious emission targets” for all government ministries, agencies and government linked corporations so that the government can be role models in adopting green measures.
• The Act also requires Town Councils and Resident Associations to adopt green targets and ambitions.
• The Act would grant extra powers to MEWR and NCCS to enable action.

What overarching declarations, motions or legislation have the party put forth to tackle climate change?

Reform Party

The SPP has not articulated any overarching declarations, notions or legislations (with regards to climate change) in their manifesto.

Elaboration

How has the party articulated its willingness to spend on addressing climate change?

People's Action Party

It would be more effective for the PAP government to dedicate a portion of the annual national budget to climate mitigation or adaptation measures, under a centralised body responsible for disbursing these funds. Such a structure would improve the transparency and coordination of these efforts. As of now, the PAP government has been investing large amounts in areas that it has pledged to tackle: Energy Efficiency, Solar Capacity, Green Finance, Electrification, and Adaptation.

Elaboration

• PM Lee Hsien Loong said at 2019’s Budget Speech that $100 billion SGD would be needed over the next 50-100 years to “protect ourselves against rising sea levels.”
• Budget 2020 saw a 19% increase in funding for Environment and Water Resources, but not all of this goes towards fighting climate change. The $5 billion injected into the Coastal defence fund is part of the $100 billion mentioned above.
• NCCS’ 2016 paper details a variety of grants and measures for carbon efficiency, including: Energy Efficiency Grants & Incentives, continued investment in the SolarNova project, continued investment in low-carbon technology through the Research Innovation Enterprise 2020 (RIE2020) scheme.

How has the party articulated its willingness to spend on addressing climate change?

Workers' Party

The WP addressed the need for current financing approaches to change, but did not provide concrete suggestions as to its own climate financing targets or ambitions. Admittedly, this is a difficult task, as explained below.

Elaboration

• There is no indication of proper financial commitments towards climate action.
• Given that the current government’s spending on climate change is divided across multiple spending streams, as can be seen in Budget 2020, it will admittedly be difficult for opposition parties to put a dollar figure to their total spending on climate change. Since climate change is the crisis of this and future generations, it is imperative that an open conversation on mitigation expenditure is facilitated by a comprehensive disclosure on current climate spending by the incumbent.

How has the party articulated its willingness to spend on addressing climate change?

Singapore Democratic Party

The SDP has made broad statements on the general insufficiency of existing climate financing, but has not provided concrete suggestions as to its own climate financing targets or ambitions. Admittedly, this is a difficult task, as explained below.

Elaboration

• The SDP has suggested that current spending on long-term adaptation measures will be insufficient if more emissions-reducing policies are not implemented in the near- or medium-term, indicating that it may be willing to spend more on mitigating climate change than the government’s present commitment (p.3)
• However, this willingness is not clearly articulated or quantified.
• Given that the current government’s spending on climate change is divided across multiple spending streams, as can be seen in Budget 2020, it will admittedly be difficult for opposition parties to put a figure to their suggested spending on climate change. Since climate change is the crisis of this and future generations, it is imperative that an open conversation on mitigation expenditure is facilitated by a comprehensive disclosure on current climate spending by the incumbent.

How has the party articulated its willingness to spend on addressing climate change?

Singapore People's Party

The SPP has not articulated their willingness to spend on addressing climate change.

How has the party articulated its willingness to spend on addressing climate change?

Reform Party

The Reform Party commits to an increase in public spending in order to reach their stated climate goals, but has not been specific about the scale of the increase.

Elaboration

• The Reform Party states that the Response to Climate Change Act will “see a substantial increase in public spending to support the mandate”.
• Public spending will also be used to fund “research to aid in reaching the targets”.

How do the party’s plans affect wealth inequality in light of climate change?

People's Action Party

It is unclear if the PAP government’s measures to combat the increase in electricity and gas expenses will help to actively reduce current levels of wealth inequality. It is also unclear if its proposed adaptation policies will target specific groups that are financially more vulnerable to climate change. (See ‘Adaptation’ below for more information.)

Elaboration

• The PAP government is providing households with additional utilities rebates through the GST Voucher U-Save scheme. (See ‘Carbon Pricing’ below for more information.) This may prevent wealth inequality from growing further, but it is unclear if this will help to actively reduce the current levels.
• When asked about the impacts of climate change on low-income groups, Minister Teo Chee Hean re-articulated the U-Save scheme and other vouchers that will allow households to buy more energy efficient appliances, without elaborating if this will actively reduce current levels of wealth inequality.

How do the party’s plans affect wealth inequality in light of climate change?

Worker's Party

The WP has proposed several policies to combat wealth inequality. While recognising that the climate crisis will worsen this particular issue, the party has not articulated any plans that target climate-specific inequalities of this nature.

Elaboration

• WP NCMPs have expressed concerns about mitigating rising food prices as these may worsen food insecurity and may increase the cost of living. This suggests that WP recognises that wealth inequality might worsen in light of the climate crisis.
• They have proposed numerous policies to combat income inequality in their 2020 manifesto, like a minimum wage (p.21), and greater funding for less popular schools (p.13).

How do the party’s plans affect wealth inequality in light of climate change?

Singapore Democratic Party

The party’s climate paper has not articulated any plans to combat wealth inequality, although they have alluded to recognising that the climate crisis will worsen this particular issue. However, the party’s other policy papers have articulated numerous strategies to tackle existing wealth inequality.

Elaboration

• In its climate change policy paper, the party recognised that the climate crisis will have “a profound effect on food prices.” This suggests that the SDP recognises that wealth inequality will worsen. However, this issue is not addressed further in this paper (p.3)
• Based on the party’s other policy papers, namely those on population, the economy, and cost of living, the party’s proposed changes (for example: a minimum wage, levy abolishment, estate duties, wealth taxes, and measuring success beyond GDP) aim to alleviate existing wealth inequality.

How do the party’s plans affect wealth inequality in light of climate change?

Singapore People's Party

While the SPP has targeted general wealth inequality in its proposals, the party does not articulate how the climate crisis will worsen existing wealth inequality in Singapore, and how these intersectional harms in particular can be alleviated.

Elaboration

• The SPP does not mention how the climate crisis may worsen existing wealth inequality.
• However, SPP suggests introducing a minimum wage, following the results of “a nationwide study… to determine the amount needed for one to maintain a basic standard of living.” This policy is intended to prevent labour exploitation and ensure basic standards of living (5).

How do the party’s plans affect wealth inequality in light of climate change?

Reform Party

The Reform Party has not articulated how their climate proposals might affect wealth inequality in Singapore, nor have they articulated plans to tackle the possibility of the climate crisis exacerbating wealth inequality.

Elaboration

• There is no mention of proposals to tackle wealth inequality in light of climate change in Reform Party’s Green Manifesto.
• The Reform Party has proposed certain policies to combat wealth inequality in their main manifesto (eg. a minimum wage of $10/hour), but this too lacks details.

How does the party plan to protect the livelihoods of those affected by a green transition?

People's Action Party

The PAP government has yet to publish a comprehensive, transparent and robust blueprint for the green transition. It has thus far only articulated that it is preparing for a green transition.

Elaboration

• There is no timeline for decarbonisation, and the PAP government has not articulated how it will protect the livelihoods of those affected by the green transition.
• It has, however, communicated its intention to do so in the past. The PAP government has acknowledged that they are thinking about a post fossil fuel future.
• Additionally, apart from existing reskilling programmes, the PAP government has assured that it will ensure that workers have relevant skills and opportunities for the green economy.

How does the party plan to protect the livelihoods of those affected by a green transition?

Workers' Party

While the WP has not articulated any intention of preparing for a green transition, it has demonstrated some foresight by articulating that workers should move into sectors like renewable energy in the mid and long term.

Elaboration

• There is no timeline for decarbonisation, and WP has not articulated how it will protect the livelihoods affected by the green transition.
• However, their Redundancy Insurance scheme (p.7), which will provide a payout of 40% of a worker’s last drawn salary for up to six months (up to a monthly cap of 40% of the prevailing median wage), should the worker be made redundant, does show that the party recognises the need to protect the livelihood of workers. Whether or not this scheme will be robust enough to deal with the potential unemployment caused by the climate crisis remains to be seen.
• Also, in the 2020 Debate on Annual Budget, Leon Perera articulated that “an incentive scheme could be deployed to attract local workers into sectors like renewable energy” when thinking about Singapore’s mid and long term outlooks. This demonstrates some foresight, suggesting that WP understands the need to shift away from current industries.

How does the party plan to protect the livelihoods of those affected by a green transition?

Singapore Democratic Party

The party has thus far articulated that Singapore should move away from its reliance on fossil fuels and that a shift to renewable energy will create new jobs. However, it has yet to publish a comprehensive, transparent, and robust blueprint for the green transition. Nonetheless, some of the party’s proposed welfare policies will help protect the livelihoods of those who are affected by the green transition.

Elaboration

• The party has articulated the need to “divest [Singapore] from an oil-centric economy,” indicating that it supports the green transition effort (p.9).
• The party has also stated that “the jobs made redundant from such sunset industries will be more than compensated for by new jobs created in the renewables sector” (p.8).
• However, no timeline or plan for this divestment is suggested; accordingly, no additional plans for worker support are suggested.
• The party has advocated increased social spending and worker-centric policies in other policy papers, for example: Minimum wage, retrenchment benefits, and independent trade unions. These policies target alleviating the impact of the green transition on workers.

How does the party plan to protect the livelihoods of those affected by a green transition?

Singapore People's Party

The SPP has not unveiled a comprehensive blueprint for a green transition. However, the party has put forth a set of social policy proposals that will help to protect the livelihoods of those who are affected by the green transition.

Elaboration

• The SPP has proposed a national minimum wage and direct transfers in the form of increased cash supplements under the silver support scheme (5).
• The SPP has proposed retrenchment insurance to “tide over” unemployed workers for a period of six months (20).
• Regarding CPF, the party has proposed increasing top-ups or supplementary schemes, and allowing for partial withdrawals of funds on compassionate grounds and to “tide over rough waters” (9).

How does the party plan to protect the livelihoods of those affected by a green transition?

Reform Party

Although the Reform Party has not articulated a comprehensive green transition plan, they have articulated the commitment to ensure that individuals who lose their jobs as a result of the shift away from the fossil fuel industries will be retrained for greener industries.

Elaboration

• The Reform Party commits to spending to “create training and employment for those retrenched as a result of the climate change measures so that they can pivot to new greener employment opportunities”.

How does the party’s policy-making for climate take into consideration other social justice issues, such as the labour rights and living standards of migrant workers, or the possibility of incoming climate refugees?

People's Action Party

There is no clear articulation of how the climate crisis may disproportionately affect already marginalised groups, save for the elderly and coastal communities. Additionally, the PAP government seems to ignore that the level of culpability varies for the different generations.

Elaboration

• The PAP government has only alluded to how senior citizens, the sick and communities living along coastlines will be disproportionately affected by the climate crisis. Other communities, such as individuals with limited access to cooling (migrant workers in dormitories, low-income households, domestic workers with limited agency), or households that will have to combat rising food prices have not been addressed in any plan/policy.
• Additionally, Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, Sam Tan’s latest statement on future generations shouldering “their share of the responsibility” for combating the climate crisis is a belief that ignores the different levels of culpability. It unfairly puts the burden on younger and future generations that have contributed much less to the climate crisis.
• The PAP government has alluded to the recognition of changing social systems and the need to change policies to take care of citizens under these new ways of living. This is not in relation to the climate crisis though, and no recognition of its interconnectedness is highlighted. However, one can speculate that approaches/policies may change to reflect these contemporary social relations as time goes by.

How does the party’s policy-making for climate take into consideration other social justice issues, such as the labour rights and living standards of migrant workers, or the possibility of incoming climate refugees?

Workers' Party

The WP has not articulated how the climate crisis may disproportionately affect already marginalised groups, save for individuals who may be disproportionately affected by increased food prices.

Elaboration

• As previously stated, WP NCMPs have expressed concerns about mitigating rising food prices.
• Other communities that may be disproportionately affected have not been addressed or highlighted in any plan/policy.

How does the party’s policy-making for climate take into consideration other social justice issues, such as the labour rights and living standards of migrant workers, or the possibility of incoming climate refugees?

Singapore Democratic Party

The party does not articulate how the climate crisis may disproportionately harm existing marginalised groups, save for remarks on food prices. More broadly, however, the party has acknowledged Singapore’s complicity in destructive practices like sand mining and the financing of corporations that perpetuate transboundary haze. Additionally, the party has chastised Singapore’s prevailing economic growth model, linking it to other socio-political injustices like wealth inequality and migrant rights. While the party has denounced rising xenophobia in Singapore, it remains to be seen how the party will tackle this issue.

Elaboration

• The party acknowledges the destructive sand mining practices that Singapore has benefited from, saying that “the mining of sand in these countries has caused major conservation issues for the region and destroyed local ecosystems.” (p.19)
• The party recognises complicity in the issue of transboundary haze, saying: “Singapore should be banned from investing in or financing corporations that have been found to be involved, directly or otherwise, in the burning of forests in Indonesia and Malaysia”. This point, and the previous one, demonstrate SDP’s awareness of extractivism, intersectionality and power dynamics (p.22).
• The party has also linked Singapore’s population growth targets to climate issues like the continuous need to reclaim land, the worsening of the urban heat island effect, and our ability to adapt to rising sea levels (p.7,19).
• While the party clarifies that it “welcomes foreign workers into our economy”, suggests that a minimum wage should be applied to all workers, and asserts that Singapore “must ensure that Singaporeans do not embrace ugly nationalism and xenophobia,” no proposals are raised for tackling this phenomenon (p.20).

How does the party’s policy-making for climate take into consideration other social justice issues, such as the labour rights and living standards of migrant workers, or the possibility of incoming climate refugees?

Singapore People's Party

The SPP has made several proposals aimed at social justice, including greater support for mental health, removal of ethnic housing quotas, and assistance for households with children and aging parents. However, the party has not articulated how the climate crisis will harm these vulnerable groups, and how this may be addressed.

Elaboration

• The SPP suggests that the government should improve the accessibility of mental healthcare by making them available at all government healthcare institutions, subsidising them, and sentencing offenders with mental health issues to treatment rather than punishment (15).
• The party advocates abolishing ethnic quotas as they “may be prohibitive to sellers from minority races looking to sell their HDB flats” (17).
• The party proposes instituting ‘Parentcare leave’ and increasing childcare and parent care tax reliefs for low-income brackets (12,13).

How does the party’s policy-making for climate take into consideration other social justice issues, such as the labour rights and living standards of migrant workers, or the possibility of incoming climate refugees?

Reform Party

The Reform Party’s climate policies reflect an awareness of how Singapore’s policies affect our neighboring countries and our migrant worker population disproportionately. However, there is no clear articulation of how more vulnerable communities will be protected through their climate policies.

Elaboration

• The Reform Party notes that “many of the migrant workers we rely on are from countries most affected by our damaging activities”.
• It also calls for “better wages for foreign workers”.
• Additionally, the Reform Party acknowledges that Singapore’s policies might have created damage on “other nations.”
• However, they have also stated that the “sand we take away from coastlines for national construction work [...] causes rising sea levels in those countries.” This is incorrect and inaccurate information. The more sand is taken away, the lower the water flow, which translates to lower water quality and supply. This false information, coupled with the Reform Party lifting a significant amount of their policies from the Greenwatch Policy Brief, raises doubts as to the amount of research that was done for this manifesto beforehand.

How does the party intend to manage domestic energy consumption?

People's Action Party

While energy efficiency measures have been widely adopted, overall energy demand is still projected to rise until about 2030. Singapore’s consumption of electricity has been rising year-on-year since at least 2012. Looking to the future, electricity demand is still expected to rise until at least 2030. Much of this demand comes from the industry sector.

Elaboration

• Overall electricity consumption of Singaporean companies has risen every year since 2012, from 44.2TWh in 2012 to 50.4TWh in 2018. Industry takes from two thirds of Singapore’s final energy consumption and close to 90% of Singapore’s natural gas consumption.
• Annual system demand for electricity is projected to reach 63-68TWh in 2030.
• This is despite a slew of energy efficiency measures. Singapore-based companies have become more energy efficient in the last 5 years. NEA’s Energy Efficiency Fund and EDB’s Resource Efficiency Grant for Energy supports efforts by businesses to improve energy efficiency at industrial facilities, while the Energy Conservation Act (ECA) requires large energy users to adopt good energy management practices.
• In 2019, NEA rolled out the Minimum Energy Efficiency Standards (MEES) for industrial-chilled water cooling systems. MEES will decrease energy consumption in industrial facilities by at least 245 GWh annually, equivalent to taking more than 20,000 cars off the road. From 2021, energy-intensive companies, including oil-refining companies, will be required to establish facility-wide energy management systems and conduct energy efficiency opportunities assessments.
• NEA organizes the Industry Energy Efficiency Sharing Session to share best practices on energy efficiency. Further, they have set up the Energy Efficiency Technology Centre to help local companies implement energy efficient improvement measures.

How does the party intend to manage domestic energy consumption?

Worker's Party

There is insufficient information from the Worker’s party when it comes to their plan for managing domestic energy consumption for a score to be assigned.

Elaboration

• In his 2020 COS Speech, Dennis Tan asked how successful the ECA has been in improving industrial energy efficiency in the oil refining industries in the last five years, and if the state had set any targets for this.

How does the party intend to manage domestic energy consumption?

Singapore Democratic Party

The SDP has suggested piecemeal measures that aim to reduce energy consumption. However, these policies are narrow in focus towards air-conditioning, energy efficiency adoption, and individual action, without committing to reducing energy consumption.

Elaboration

• The SDP suggests lowering our dependence on air-conditioning by “developing smart systems and efficient air-cooling technologies”, which could possibly cut our energy consumption by as much as 30 percent (p.27).
• The party also suggests conducting educational programmes (although it does not state for whom) to encourage raising the indoor air-conditioning temperatures by 1°C would save up to 4% of air-conditioning energy (p.27)
• The party is open to reducing air-conditioning in government buildings (p.26)

How does the party intend to manage domestic energy consumption?

Singapore People's Party

The SPP has not articulated their plans to manage domestic energy consumption.

How does the party intend to manage domestic energy consumption?

Reform Party

The Reform Party has no mention of plans to manage domestic energy consumption.

Elaboration

• The Reform Party has no proposals to reduce domestic energy consumption, which we believe is necessary in a transition to a sustainable and renewable-based society.
• The Reform Party has only articulated the need to increase Singapore’s share of renewable energy, which we accounted for in the next question.

What plans does the party have to increase domestic access to clean energy?

People's Action Party

Progress on regional collaboration remains slow and mooted in the distant future. That said, the PAP government has been working towards increasing its solar capacity and installing solar panels on HDB rooftops. However, this still fulfils only a small percentage of Singapore’s energy needs.

Elaboration

• Progress on collaboration with regional partners, in particular through the ASEAN Power Grid, remains slow in spite of the massive endowment of renewable resources in the region. Most of the headway made has been limited to the bilateral development of transmission infrastructure and trade.
• Even with the Lao PDR-Thailand-Malaysia-Singapore Power Integration Project (LTMS–PIP), a “pathfinder” multilateral power trading project, the PAP government appears lukewarm in its commitment. As it stands today, the LTMS–PIP involves only the sale of electricity from Lao PDR to Malaysia, with Thailand acting as a transit country.
• There has been, nonetheless, some progress on this front. The PAP government has announced the Australia-Singapore Power Link, a long distance solar transmission project with Australia mooted for 2030. The Australia-Singapore Power Link is projected to supply a fifth of Singapore's power needs, helping to ease its dependence on imported liquefied natural gas.
• The PAP government has also announced a 2GWp target for solar energy by 2030 (equivalent to 10% of Singapore’s peak daily electricity demand), with plans to fit one in two HDB rooftops with solar panels over the upcoming years. As of December 2019, HDB had installed solar PV systems at about 2,200 HDB blocks. In 2021, PUB will be deploying a floating solar PV system on Tengah reservoir.
• However, the PAP government will not provide subsidies to solar electricity generators for fear that it will distort the market price signal.

What plans does the party have to increase domestic access to clean energy?

Workers' Party

The Workers’ Party has consistently spoken up on increasing domestic access to various sources of clean energy including solar, nuclear and wind, and pledged to have 10% of energy needs met by renewable energy.

Elaboration

• WP aims to have 10% of Singapore’s energy needs met by renewable energy sources
• The party called for government R&D funding into reducing intermittency and ensuring smooth integration of renewable energy into the power grid
• During the 2020 COS debate, the WP asked about the possibility of importing energy from Australia and of tapping into a pan-ASEAN renewable electricity grid which. The party probed Singapore’s prospects for engaging in further ASEAN-wide collaborations on green policies, following it’s questions on such projects in previous years.
• The WP has recommnded linking the investment and use of renewable energy to carbon tax offsets, which can be partly funded by revenue from the carbon tax revenue in the initial years.
• Despite these engagements in individual debate speeches and questions, the WP has not articulated a party-wide plan for increasing domestic access to clean energy.

What plans does the party have to increase domestic access to clean energy?

Singapore Democratic Party

The SDP recognises the need for Singapore to rapidly transition towards renewable energy. They plan to accelerate the installation of solar panels in public areas, source renewable energy from other countries, and invest in research and development for renewable sources of energy.

Elaboration

• The SDP, recognising Singapore’s limited land area, proposed installing more solar panels on available areas such as recently built sheltered walkways. They also propose accelerating the installation of panels on HDB blocks and other buildings (p.14-15).
• The SDP also suggests that footpaths and bicycle paths should be made out of materials that absorb solar energy in the day and emit light at night (p.16).
• In order to make up for the shortfall in electricity from solar panels, the SDP has proposed that Singapore buy renewable energy from neighbouring countries (p.17). The party also suggests that Singapore lease land or sea space from neighbouring countries in order to develop wind or hydroelectric energy facilities that will be beneficial to both Singapore and the host country (p.18).
• The SDP recognises the potential for Singapore to become a leader in renewable energy, if it invests aggressively in industries and start-ups that focus on the production and distribution of renewable energy (p.17).

What plans does the party have to increase domestic access to clean energy?

Singapore People's Party

The SPP has not articulated their plans to increase domestic access to clean energy.

What plans does the party have to increase domestic access to clean energy?

Reform Party

The Reform Party proposes increased research and investment in renewable energy, especially in the field of storing solar energy. However, this commitment is not fully fleshed out.

Elaboration

• The Reform Party will “invest significantly in research on renewables particularly in the area of reliability of battery storage” to “redress the woeful balance of 95% of electricity from natural gas with only 1% from renewables”.
• They also mentioned increasing investments in research and development for battery storage for renewables.

How does the party plan to remove Singapore’s reliance on fossil fuel?

People's Action Party

The PAP government has given mixed messages on the future of fossil fuels. They have recognised that fossil fuels have a limited role in Singapore’s long term energy needs, but haven’t said anything concrete about disavowing the fossil fuel industry. They also continue to push for the expansion of the petrochemical industry.

Elaboration

• Minister for Trade and Industry (MTI) Chan Chun Sing has said that Singapore is “thinking of a future away from fossil fuels”, but has also said that natural gas will remain the dominant energy source for the next 50 years. Worryingly, the faith that oil giants such as Exxonmobil and Shell are also thinking of a future beyond fossil fuel seems misplaced. In 2019 Chan called Exxonmobil a “close and trusted partner” of Singapore at the multi-billion dollar expansion of its manufacturing complex on Jurong Island
• Even though the PAP government claims that Singapore’s petrochemical industry is amongst the cleanest in the world, it now accounts for close to half of Singapore’s emissions together with the oil and gas industry.

How does the party plan to remove Singapore’s reliance on fossil fuel?

Workers' Party

While the party has not expressed support for the fossil fuel industry, there is insufficient information on its stance on addressing Singapore’s reliance on fossil fuel.

Elaboration

• In its manifesto, the party said that new gas-fired power plants should not be built unless demand cannot be met from renewable sources (p.33). However, it does not elaborate on how existing fossil-fuel reliance will be reduced.

How does the party plan to remove Singapore’s reliance on fossil fuel?

Singapore Democratic Party

The SDP has advocated for Singapore to move away from an oil-centric economy and to choose other energy sources besides Liquid Natural Gas (LNG). However, the party has not provided a concrete plan for this transition.

Elaboration

• The SDP recognised Singapore’s dependence on the oil industry, highlighting how this contributes to greenhouse gas emissions, as well as how the oil and gas industry is likely to be overtaken by renewable sources of energy in the future (p.10, 16)
• Additionally, the SDP also highlighted how LNG, despite being a ‘cleaner’ fuel, nonetheless produces greenhouse gases. Instead, they call for switching to renewable sources of energy (p.17).

How does the party plan to remove Singapore’s reliance on fossil fuel?

Singapore People's Party

The SPP has not articulated their plans to remove Singapore’s reliance on fossil fuels.

How does the party plan to remove Singapore’s reliance on fossil fuel?

Reform Party

The Reform Party has not articulated a proposal on how Singapore as a whole can transition away from fossil fuels. They did however mention the need to divest from the fossil fuel industry and transition to low-carbon portfolios, which we have accounted for in the Industry section.

Elaboration

• There is no mention of how Singapore can transition away from fossil fuels entirely by The Reform Party.
• The Reform Party did however “propose that our Sovereign Wealth Funds, … commit to ceasing investments in fossil fuel and other damaging industries, and change the weighting of their portfolios to a majority investment in low carbon industry by 2025.”. However, this is not an all-encompassing plan to remove Singapore’s reliance on fossil fuel. We have thus accounted for this in the Industry section instead.

To what extent is the proposed carbon price, in conjunction with other climate policies, sufficient to limit warming to 1.5 degree celsius warming above pre-industrial levels?

People's Action Party

Current and projected carbon tax rates are highly insufficient. Additionally, there is a lack of transparency regarding how the rates were derived, as well as their predicted impact on emissions reductions.

Elaboration

• The current and projected carbon tax rates are highly insufficient. Currently, the carbon tax is set at $5 per tonne of Carbon Dioxide emitted for industrial facilities that emit over 25,000 tCO2e. Singapore will review the carbon tax rate by 2023, with plans to increase it to between $10 and $15 per tonne of GHG emissions by 2030.
• Although there is no single ideal carbon price out there as that is dependent on the country’s energy mix and climate policies, Singapore’s current and targeted rates are still clearly too low. Numerous figures have been proposed as guidelines for an “optimal” carbon price. A report by the High-Level Commission on Carbon Prices, chaired by Joseph Stiglitz and Lord Nicholas Stern, recommends that a tax of at least US$40–80 per tonne by 2020, rising to US$50–100 in 2030 is necessary in order to meet the targets of the Paris Agreement.
• In a book titled “The Climate Casino” by pioneering environmental economist William Nordhaus where he analysed 13 models on carbon prices, he found an average carbon price of approximately US$30 per tonne in 2020 rising to US$55 in 2030 is necessary in order to keep to a 2.5°C target. His own economic modelling of the social costs of climate change, suggests an “optimal” scenario of 3.5°C of warming in 2100, where the 2015 social cost of carbon is US$30 per tonne, rising to US$42 in 2025. Adjusting the model to a 2.5°C warming projection, by contrast, brings this social cost of carbon upwards of US$200 per tonne from 2020 onwards.
• Others suggest that the carbon price should be pitched at a level that incentivises utilising carbon capture technologies, which optimistic estimates say are possible at least US$100 per tonne.
• Further, there is a lack of information on how the carbon tax rates were decided and how they will contribute to emissions reductions.

To what extent is the proposed carbon price, in conjunction with other climate policies, sufficient to limit warming to 1.5 degree celsius warming above pre-industrial levels?

Worker's Party

Although the party expressed uncertainty about the carbon tax’s effectiveness in changing people’s behaviour due to its low level, they agreed with the current tax rate as they believe it is economically sound.

Elaboration

• During the second reading of the 2018 Carbon Pricing bill, Leon Perera noted that “..it is not clear if setting the carbon price at such a low level...will nudge end-users to substantially change their behaviour with regards to energy conservation or the deployment of carbon-lite energy efficient technologies.” However, he made it clear that he agreed with the current carbon tax rate, saying “I do not argue that we should set the carbon price higher at this stage to balance the effect on the economy and the people.”

To what extent is the proposed carbon price, in conjunction with other climate policies, sufficient to limit warming to 1.5 degree celsius warming above pre-industrial levels?

Singapore Democratic Party

Although the SDP acknowledges that the current and projected carbon tax rates are too low, they do not support increasing the carbon tax rate for fear that consumers have to bear the cost. While there are proposals as to how this cost may be alleviated, the SDP does not raise any in it’s policy paper.

Elaboration

• The party has acknowledged that the current and projected carbon tax rate is insufficient with reference to the advice of climate experts(p.30).
• However, the party does not support increasing the carbon tax rate as it stands, unless “an effective mechanism can be found to prevent the end-consumer from ultimately shouldering the carbon tax.”(p.30) No recommendation on this mechanism was provided, though the party has said that it welcomes further discussion on the issue.

To what extent is the proposed carbon price, in conjunction with other climate policies, sufficient to limit warming to 1.5 degree celsius warming above pre-industrial levels?

Singapore People's Party

While the party supports the implementation of the carbon tax, it has not proposed any increase in the tax rate. It instead proposes greater transparency (which we have evaluated elsewhere in the scorecard). The party therefore tacitly supports the current carbon emissions scheme.

Elaboration

• The SPP states that “While the enactment of the Carbon Pricing Act in January 2019 was a step in the right direction… more needs to be done to combat climate change” (7).
• However, the party does not recognise increasing the carbon price as one of these measures, tacitly supporting the current, highly insufficient tax rate.

To what extent is the proposed carbon price, in conjunction with other climate policies, sufficient to limit warming to 1.5 degree celsius warming above pre-industrial levels?

Reform Party

The Reform Party has articulated that they are working on a policy of measures and implementation of carbon tax, but this has not been published.

How encompassing is the coverage of the carbon tax across the entire economy?

People's Action Party

The Carbon Pricing Act charges by facilities, not entities, leaving a loophole that allows corporations to get away with having many emitting facilities which individual emissions level falls below the minimum level required for them to be taxed. That said, Singapore’s carbon tax is commendable in the sense that it is applied to all sectors without exemptions and covers 80% of Singapore’s greenhouse gas emissions.

Elaboration

• The Carbon Pricing Act does not extend to all companies with emitting industrial facilities. Only facilities with more than a given amount (25,000 tonnes of greenhouse gas emissions per year) are taxed. “Facility” refers to a single factory or infrastructure, rather than a company which is known as an “entity”. This means a larger company with two smaller facilities that do not exceed the stated emissions limit individually will not be taxed. On the contrary, a smaller company with one facility over the stated emissions limit will be taxed even though the total emissions of the first company is higher than the second.
• That said, the carbon tax is implemented uniformly to all sectors, without exemption. This is commendable, given that in several countries, the carbon tax comes with an exemption to certain pollutive industries.
• The tax will affect 30-40 large emitters. These emitters contribute to 80% of Singapore’s greenhouse gas emissions.

How encompassing is the coverage of the carbon tax across the entire economy?

Workers' Party

The WP has not mentioned anything regarding how encompassing the carbon tax is.

How encompassing is the coverage of the carbon tax across the entire economy?

Singapore Democratic Party

The party has not indicated its stand on how encompassing the current carbon tax is.

How encompassing is the coverage of the carbon tax across the entire economy?

Singapore People’s Party

The SPP has not articulated any policies about the coverage of the carbon tax.

How encompassing is the coverage of the carbon tax across the entire economy?

Reform Party

The Reform Party has articulated that they are working on a policy of measures and implementation of carbon tax, but this has not been published.

How will revenues from the carbon tax be used?

People's Action Party

It is unclear if or how the revenues are redistributed to citizens. The carbon tax revenue should be progressively redistributed to households according to needs. This gives citizens a direct stake in a policy that affects their daily lives, and ensures that the offsetting effect to the tax is not left up to the PAP government’s discretion.

Elaboration

• It is unclear if or how the carbon tax revenue is redistributed to citizens. As of yet, the PAP government has shared that it expects to collect a carbon tax revenue of nearly $1 billion over the first five years. Revenues will be used to fund green initiatives via two existing schemes: the Productivity Grant (Energy Efficiency) and the Energy Efficiency Fund. This includes measures by industry to reduce emissions and providing measures to ease the transition.
• The impact on households has been estimated to be about 1% point increase in total electricity and gas expenses on average. Households will get help in the form of additional utilities rebates through the GST Voucher U-Save scheme. Eligible HDB households will each receive $20 more per year for three years, which will cover the expected average increase in electricity and gas expenses for HDB households arising from the carbon tax.
• By not legislating that the progressive redistribution of the carbon tax revenue, this excludes citizens from having a stake in a policy that affects their daily lives and also leaves the continuity of the offsetting rebates completely to the PAP government’s discretion.

How will revenues from the carbon tax be used?

Workers' Party

The party had only gestured towards a progressive carbon tax relief, with no concrete details on how this should be implemented. Instead, the party primarily pushed for some carbon tax revenue to be placed into a fund for the development of green technologies.

Elaboration

• In his 2020 COS Speech, Daniel Goh briefly argued for “doubling on handouts for low-carbon initiatives and progressive carbon tax relief”.
• During the second reading of the 2018 Carbon Pricing Bill, Leon Perera asked if the Government would consider “...setting aside part of the funds from the carbon tax into a vehicle like a fund or even a green infrastructure bank offering low-interest loans that has a mission to fund the development, testing and deployment of green technologies in Singapore?” He recommended coupling this with administrative measures to push economic actors into adapting new, green technologies.

How will revenues from the carbon tax be used?

Singapore Democratic Party

The SDP advocated for carbon tax revenue to be used to install Solar PVs, which is similar to the current policy of channeling the revenue towards green initiatives. However, they have not indicated anything beyond that one particular measure.

Elaboration

• The party has mentioned in passing that the carbon tax revenue should be used to install Solar PVs. This is in line with their push to switch to solar energy, with the party saying that “Singapore has plenty of roof space to accommodate PV panels.”(p.15)
• Beyond that however, there has been no other mention of how revenues from the carbon tax can be used in a progressive manner.

How will revenues from the carbon tax be used?

Singapore People’s Party

The SPP has not articulated any policies about how the carbon tax will be distributed.

How will revenues from the carbon tax be used?

Reform Party

The Reform Party has articulated that they are working on a policy of measures and implementation of carbon tax, but this has not been published.

How much support does the party show for the fossil fuel industry?

People's Action Party

The PAP government is still actively seeking to expand Singapore’s petrochemical industry, despite acknowledging the climate crisis as an urgent and existential threat.

Elaboration

• In 2019, the PAP government received an investment from Shell to increase its storage capacity at its Bukom refinery.
• In the same year, it accepted a multi-billion investment from ExxonMobil to expand its integrated manufacturing complex in Singapore, the company’s largest production facility globally.
• Minister Chan Chun Sing has further endorsed ExxonMobil as a “close and trusted partner” of Singapore, and affirmed the PAP government's plans to grow Singapore as an LNG hub
• The PAP government’s support of the petrochemical industry is longstanding. For instance, in 2017, Keppel signed a deal with the Economic Development Board (EDB) to build a gasification plant on Jurong Island. Earlier in 2013, the PAP government gave Tuas Power approval to open Singapore’s first coal-burning facility on Jurong Island

How much support does the party show for the fossil fuel industry?

Worker's Party

The WP has passively supported the government’s expansion of the fossil fuel industry through its silence on the issue, aside from a lone question asked by Mr Dennis Tan asked in 2020 regarding plans to reduce emissions from the oil refining industry.

How much support does the party show for the fossil fuel industry?

Singapore Democratic Party

SDP has noted the close ties between Singapore and Big Oil as a major obstacle to climate change action. However, there are no clear plans to shift financial support away from the industry.

Elaboration

• SDP states that “the case for Singapore to divest itself from an oil-centric economy is persuasive and valid,” and describes in detail how the oil and gas industries have expanded over the years (p. 9,13-14).

How much support does the party show for the fossil fuel industry?

Singapore People’s Party

The SPP has not articulated any policies regarding the ongoing expansion of the fossil fuel industry by the government.

How much support does the party show for the fossil fuel industry?

Reform Party

The Reform Party has explicitly called for divestment from the fossil fuel industry on the part of sovereign wealth funds, which we have accounted for in the next question. It also advocates for a switch to renewables. However, more details on how the party intends to shift overall financial support away from the fossil fuel industry are needed for us to give a score for this question.

How does the party ensure that institutional investors divest from fossil fuel assets?

People's Action Party

The effect of financial guidelines set by the PAP government remains unclear, despite efforts to do so.

Elaboration

• The Monetary Authority of Singapore (MAS) has announced that it will introduce, in 2020, Environmental Risk Management (ENRM) guidelines across the financial sector to set standards on governance, risk management, and disclosure. While this has the potential to discourage investments in fossil fuel assets, details on the guidelines are still pending.
• The extent to which the PAP government intends to enforce these standards is also unclear. Amy Khor has said that the PAP government “does not interfere or influence [businesses and financial institutions’] individual investment decisions” in response to parliamentary questions about the financing of fossil fuel plants outside Singapore.
• Minister for Education Ong Ye Kung has stated that the MAS has been “actively working with [its] fund managers” to ensure that environmental, social and governance (ESG) considerations are incorporated into its own investment portfolio, but has not released further details.
• Several local banks, namely OCBC Bank and DBS Bank, have announced that they will cease financing new coal-fired power plants in any market. However, this is often with the condition that they continue on and complete current fossil fuel projects which nevertheless result in significant pollution.

How does the party ensure that institutional investors divest from fossil fuel assets?

Workers' Party

The Workers Party has not mentioned anything about institutional divestment from fossil fuel assets.

How does the party ensure that institutional investors divest from fossil fuel assets?

Singapore Democratic Party

The SDP proposes stricter measures against companies linked to forest fires in Indonesia and that the GIC adopt higher standards of transparency and accountability, but does not explicitly call for divestment of fossil fuel assets (p.23-24).

How does the party ensure that institutional investors divest from fossil fuel assets?

Singapore People's Party

The SPP principally supports the divestment of carbon-intensive assets listed in the Singapore Stock Exchange. While more elaborations and stronger supplementary measures are needed, this in-principle support is a step in the right direction.

Elaboration

• The SPP says that divestment is “one of the most effective tools that can be harnessed to take our society into a more sustainable future” (7).
• The party proposes making it mandatory for companies listed on the Singapore Stock Exchange to publicly disclose their “carbon emissions portfolio, investments in carbon-intensive operations and resources, and a roadmap to divest from them” (7). While the SPP does not make it clear what should happen to companies without a roadmap for divestment, the party’s strong support for divestment is clear.

How does the party ensure that institutional investors divest from fossil fuel assets?

Reform Party

The Reform Party proposes that Singapore’s sovereign wealth funds cease investing in fossil fuel industries, and change their portfolios to a majority investment in low carbon industries by 2025.

Elaboration

• The Reform Party wants “...Temasek and GIC make public the companies in which they invest each year and commit to ceasing investments in fossil fuel and other damaging industries”.
• The Reform Party also thinks that the sovereign wealth funds should “...change the weighting of their portfolios to a majority investment in the low carbon industry by 2025.”
• We note that the party’s proposal for Temasek is an improvement to Temasek’s existing pledge which seeks to halve greenhouse gas emissions of its portfolio by 2030.

How does the party encourage green investments?

People's Action Party

The PAP government has yet to articulate a clear road map that coordinates both public and private actions towards making Singapore a hub for green finance, despite having signalled its support for green investments to turn Singapore into a green finance and circular economy hub. There is also a need to harmonise standards and clarify what the PAP government considers to be “green” or “sustainable”.

Elaboration

• According to the NCCS*, the PAP government aims to make Singapore a green finance hub and to develop a circular economy, in which low-carbon and sustainable solutions are to be test-bedded and exported globally. These efforts are intended not only “to grow [Singapore’s] economy and create more jobs for Singaporeans, but also allow [Singapore] to support abatement efforts beyond our shores”. However, the PAP government has yet to produce a clear road map articulating how and when these ambitions will be realised.
• In 2017, the MAS launched the Green Bond Grant Scheme to catalyse the green bond market, under which eligible expenses for obtaining an external review for green bonds would be fully funded, subject to a cap. In February 2019, the grant scheme was expanded to include social and sustainability bonds, and renamed as the Sustainable Bond Grant (SBG) Scheme. The minimum issuance size requirement was lowered and the grant scheme was extended to end May 2023.
• In November 2019, the MAS further announced a US$2 billion green investments programme (GIP) to support “public market investment strategies that have a strong green focus”. The first investment under the GIP will be a US$100m placement in the Bank for International Settlements’ (BIS) Green Bond Investment Pool (GBIP).
• Devoting more investment into sustainable initiatives is a welcome move, and the PAP government appears committed to mobilising more capital to drive low-carbon solutions. However, more standardisation and clarification are needed as to what projects are counted as “green”.

*In February 2020, the Greenwatch team wrote to Singapore government agencies to ask about the relevant climate policies that have been introduced. This information is part of the reply consolidated by the NCCS on behalf of all agencies.

How does the party encourage green investments?

Workers' Party

The Workers Party has not made substantial public remarks regarding encouraging green investments.

How does the party encourage green investments?

Singapore Democratic Party

The SDP calls for more investments in renewable energy, but does not provide a clear road map towards making Singapore a hub for green finance.

Elaboration

• The party states that “Singapore should aggressively invest in industries, even subsidise start-ups, to produce and distribute renewable energy. Funding R&D projects involved in improving the performance of solar PV systems should occur in a major way with the goal of developing Singapore into a leader in the industry just like Japan.” (p.16)

How does the party encourage green investments?

Singapore People's Party

The SPP has not articulated any policies to encourage green investments.

How does the party encourage green investments?

Reform Party

The Reform Party has articulated the need for more green investments, however there is a lack of details as to how the party plans to encourage this.

Elaboration

• The Reform Party has pushed for the need to “invest significantly in research on renewables particularly in the area of reliability of battery storage”. We have accounted for this in the Energy section.

What is the party doing to protect the country from the impacts of climate change?

People's Action Party

Singapore has been considering and implementing several policies to tackle our key areas of vulnerability to climate change: sea level rise and food security.

Elaboration

• In Budget 2020, Minister for Finance Heng Swee Keat said that the PAP government would be committing $5 billion to a “Coastal and Flood Protection Fund.”
• PM Lee Hsien Loong said at 2019’s Budget Speech that “it will cost Singapore S$100 billion or more over the next 50 to 100 years to protect itself against rising sea levels,” and that “the S$100 billion will mainly be spent on coastal defences….”
• A National Resilience Framework has also been established to identify and assess climate change risks and impacts, and formulate adaptation plans to address Singapore’s vulnerabilities.
• Singapore intends to invest an additional $190 million on drainage works to enhance flood protection
• Regarding food, a key area of vulnerability for Singapore, Parliament has articulated targeting a “30 by 30 Strategy” to increase Singapore’s food production to make up 30% of supply. This is accompanied by Enterprise Singapore appointing seven partners to co-invest in Singaporean agri-food start-ups in 2019.
• Singapore also aims to facilitate the introduction of alternative proteins that are produced more sustainably and productively. The first research grant call was launched last December by the Singapore Food Authority and A*STAR under the Singapore Food Story R&D Programme.
• To strengthen the region’s financial resilience to disaster risks and address protection gaps, the Monetary Authority of Singapore has set up Southeast Asia Disaster Risk Insurance Facility as ASEAN’s first regional catastrophe risk pool. It will better cover emergency response costs in the aftermath of catastrophes.

What is the party doing to protect the country from the impacts of climate change?

Worker's Party

The WP has consistently expressed support for the government’s existing adaptation policies while making constructive suggestions for improving those policies.

Elaboration

• In his 2019 cut during the debate on the budget, Pritam Singh asked for a preliminary projection on the cost required for upgrading our infrastructure to deal with the effects of climate change.
• In his 2018 MEWR COS speech, Leon Perera asked what the Government was doing to protect intertidal habitats in danger of being flooded by rising sea levels. He also asked if soft engineering approaches were being considered, and also if Singapore’s offshore islands were also being considered for coastal protection measures as well. Finally, he also asked if increased rainfall was being factored into the Government’s input when designing coastal protection measures.
• In his 2016 COS MEWR cut, Pritam Singh spoke at length about the impact of climate change and rising sea levels. He asked what plans the Government had to protect beaches and mangrove areas from rising sea levels. He also asked for an update on the Coastal Adaptation Study, and if there would be a need for a Climate adaptation fund, a suggestion which was later taken up in 2019 by the ruling party.

What is the party doing to protect the country from the impacts of climate change?

Singapore Democratic Party

The SDP does not mention adaptation in its climate policy paper.

What is the party doing to protect the country from the impacts of climate change?

Singapore People's Party

The SPP has not articulated any policies on protecting Singapore from the impacts of climate change.

What is the party doing to protect the country from the impacts of climate change?

Reform Party

The Reform Party has no proposals on how to protect the country from the impacts of climate change. Hence, there is no relevant information available for us to score for this section

How do the party’s adaptation policies worsen social and economic equity?

People's Action Party

While some allusions have been made towards climate change’s intergenerational effects, there are few specific measures to address the impact of climate change on social and economic inequity in Singapore. To address this, the PAP government should produce a comprehensive report that assesses vulnerabilities of various social and economic groups to the climate crisis.

Elaboration

• PM Lee Hsien Loong said in 2019’s National Day Rally that efforts at climate adaptation and mitigation must be done because “... Otherwise one day, our children and grandchildren will be ashamed at what our generation did not do.” This alludes to the incumbent’s recognition that climate adaptation policies, or the lack thereof, have intergenerational consequences.
• However, any clear references to intergenerational inequalities, or how climate change affects existing social and economic equity in Singapore, are absent.

How do the party’s adaptation policies worsen social and economic equity?

Workers' Party

The Workers’ Party has not raised questions about how adaptation policies will affect socio-economic equity.

How do the party’s adaptation policies worsen social and economic equity?

Singapore Democratic Party

The SDP does not mention adaptation in its climate policy paper.

How do the party’s adaptation policies worsen social and economic equity?

Singapore People’s Party

The SPP has not articulated any policies on adapting to the impacts of climate change.

How do the party’s adaptation policies worsen social and economic equity?

Reform Party

The Reform Party has no proposals on how the country can adapt to the impacts of climate change. Hence, there is no relevant information available for us to score for this section.

What is being done to reduce the reliance on private car ownership?

People's Action Party

More can be done to discourage the rate of private car ownership in Singapore, which is significantly higher than a similar city-state like Hong Kong. To further discourage car ownership, stronger measures should be taken to reflect the full costs of driving, and streets should be redesigned to be people-centric by reclaiming car space.

Elaboration

• 35% of Singaporean households owned a car in 2017/8. This is distinctly higher than 14% in Hong Kong in 2011.
• Singapore’s high car ownership is in spite of the current Vehicle Growth Rate (VGR) for categories A, B and D (cars and motorcycles) being set at 0% until 1Q 2021. VGR controls the annual growth of the vehicle population.
• The Land Transport Master Plan 2040 (LTMP) aims for 90% walk-cycling-ride (WCR) mode share by 2040 (currently 72%), but “ride” includes taxis and private hire vehicles (PHV) which is misleading. All cars should be treated as a single category, as many other cities do, as their carbon emissions per person are significantly higher compared to public transport, cycling or walking. For example, by 2041, London plans to have 80% walk, cycle, public transport mode share (not including taxis/PHV).
• In the Centre for Liveable Cities’ (CLC) report on car-lite urban mobility, one of the recommended strategies is to “put a stop to cheap and easy parking and reflect the full cost of driving.” The report also argues for more street reclamation and that “a paradigm shift towards ‘car-lite’ mobility requires a fundamental review of the way cities design their streets, such that multimodal streets that look after the safety and needs of all users are no longer treated as special projects, but as a norm for all road network expansion and improvement projects.”
• LTA’s new range-based parking provision standards still have minimum requirements e.g. 1 parking lot per 1.25 residential units, whereas other cities like San Francisco and Mexico City have removed their minimum parking limits and converted them into maximum limits.

What is being done to reduce the reliance on private car ownership?

Worker's Party

The WP has no position on reducing private car ownership.

What is being done to reduce the reliance on private car ownership?

Singapore Democratic Party

The SDP does not have a clear position on reducing the car population, though it mentions that with the development of self-driving cars, there will be fewer cars on the road and thus no need for a new ERP system (p.13).

What is being done to reduce the reliance on private car ownership?

Singapore People's Party

The SPP has not articulated any policies on private car ownership.

What is being done to reduce the reliance on private car ownership?

Reform Party

The RP mentions in their manifesto that “Singapore is the perfect city state to adopt green transport methods,” but has yet to provide details with a clear actionable plan to reduce the private car population.

Is public transport and active mobility being made more reliable, affordable, and accessible to all?

People's Action Party

Singapore has aggressively increased its goals for expanding cycling paths, but more work is needed to achieve higher cycling path densities that are comparable to other bike-friendly cities, and wider paths with better segregation for a safer cycling experience. The public transport mode share is still lower than other cities like Hong Kong and Seoul though there are plans to increase the rail density to be comparable to London and New York City. Lastly, the pedestrian experience can be improved with wider and more sheltered paths.

Elaboration

• An LTA Academy report shows that public transport mode share was 81% in Hong Kong (2014) and 65% in Seoul (2013) compared to 50% in Singapore (2012).
• The size of our rail network will increase from about 230 km today, to about 360 km in 2030, making the rail network density comparable to London and New York City and higher than that of Tokyo and Hong Kong today.
• There have been increases in transport fares from Dec 2019 by up to 9 cents for adult card users and 4 cents for concession groups; public transport vouchers are available for 1 in 5 households. Nonetheless, various studies have ranked Singapore 1st, 2nd and 18th in terms of public transport affordability.
• All buses and bus stops are to be wheelchair accessible, and to have stroller restraints by 2020 (LTMP) There are also Silver Zones, mobility assistance and hands-free ticketing trials.
• In May 2019 the LTA announced a goal of expanding the cycling network to 1000km by 2040; in Aug 2019, due to increasing bans on PMDs, the goal was changed to 1320km by 2030; in Mar 2020, LTA announced that the 1000km goal would be achieved by 2026.
• The 2030 goal is equivalent to a network density of 1.8km/sq km for Singapore. A 2014 study of 74 US cities showed that network density was most highly correlated with the cycling rate, compared to other network measures like size, connectivity and directness. Estimated densities for other cities are 9.5 for Paris, 5.2 for Copenhagen and 4.0 for Stockholm
• In Sep 2018, LTA announced that 200 km of sheltered walkways had been completed to amenities within a 400m radius of MRT stations and 200m radius of bus interchanges, LRT stations and selected bus stops.

Is public transport and active mobility being made more reliable, affordable, and accessible to all?

Workers' Party

The WP has called for a more extensive network of cycling paths and widening them for better accessibility. They have also spoken up on the affordability of public transport and outlined a proposal to overhaul the public transport system.

Elaboration

• In their 2020 manifesto, the WP proposes that Seniors and Persons with Disabilities should receive free access to public transport (p.29).
• Dennis Tan, in a speech in the 2020 COS Debates, argued that for active mobility to be a serious option, a more extensive network of cycling paths is needed, which will be “directly linked to every HDB block, condominium, private landed house, shop house, office building and industrial building, ensuring direct access for active mobility devices.”
• In his 2018 COS MOT speech, Png Eng Huat lauded the increase in quality of life caused by the use of personal mobility aids (PMAs) amongst Singapore’s elderly population. He also called for footpaths to be widened to accommodate PMAs, many of which are heavier and slower than PMDs.
• Since 2006, the WP has been calling for an overhaul of Singapore’s public transport model where public transport is brought under the state and run as a public good, in order to improve performance and lower fares.

Is public transport and active mobility being made more reliable, affordable, and accessible to all?

Singapore Democratic Party

The SDP has proposed measures to regulate the use of PMDs instead of an outright ban, and opposed the public transport fare hike in 2019.

Elaboration

• In 2019, the party spoke out against the public transport fare hike, contrasting it with high SMRT CEO salaries and a budget surplus in 2017.
• The party also opposed the 2019 ban on personal mobile devices (PMDs) in 2019, and suggested stronger regulation of PMD use to improve safety in the short term and dedicated lanes for PMDs and bicycles in the longer term.

Is public transport and active mobility being made more reliable, affordable, and accessible to all?

Singapore People’s Party

The SPP has not articulated any policies on increasing access to public transport.

Is public transport and active mobility being made more reliable, affordable, and accessible to all?

Reform Party

The Reform Party proposes making public transport free for students and seniors, and also those with special needs. It also advocates for redesigned streets that are bicycle friendly, and cycle highways.

Elaboration

• The RP says that “All registered Singapore school children from kindergarten to age 16…be given passes allowing free travel by bus.”
• The same holds for those aged over 65, and also for those with special needs or for those with other conditions that make it difficult to drive, as well as their carers.
• The RP also thinks that our streets should be redesigned “..for safe family oriented cycle routes…” They also advocate for cycle highways, presumably to facilitate bike commuting, as well as a “provision of free parking for cycles”.
• However, we note that the party has only talked about buses in relation to public transport. We are unsure about their stance on MRTs. In addition, we are uncertain of what the party means by a “provision of free parking for cycles” and how that particular proposal adds value to the existing situation for bicycle parking.

What is the stance on the transition to zero emissions vehicles (ZEVs) and powering them with clean energy sources?

People's Action Party

Although the PAP government has set a target to have all vehicles run on cleaner energy by 2040, the impact in reducing emissions is limited by the fact that these EVs will not be powered by clean energy, as Singapore’s electricity is largely generated from natural gas.

Elaboration

• In the 2020 Budget Speech, the PAP government announced that it would phase out ICE vehicles and have all vehicles run on cleaner energy by 2040. This includes expanding the number of EV charging points from the current 1,600 to 28,000 by 2030, an EV early adoption incentive and the introduction of high-powered electric motorcycles. For public transport, all new public bus purchases will be either electric or hybrid buses.
• The Vehicular Emissions Scheme aims to encourage buyers to choose car models with lower emissions across five pollutants (respectively,Carbon dioxide (CO2), hydrocarbons (HC), carbon monoxide (CO), nitrogen oxides (NOx), and particular matter. A new Commercial Vehicle Emissions Scheme (CVES) for new Light Good Vehicles (LGVs), which form the largest proportion of commercial vehicles, will also be introduced. Under the new CVES, the cleanest LGVs will receive a $30,000 incentive, while the most polluting LGVs will incur a $10,000 surcharge.

What is the stance on the transition to zero emissions vehicles (ZEVs) and powering them with clean energy sources?

Workers' Party

The WP has argued for more extensive EV policies, including building a regional ecosystem for EVs and lowering the carbon footprint of the electricity supplied to charge them.

Elaboration

• Dennis Tan, in his 2020 Bold Green Agenda speech, points out that EVs will continue to have a carbon footprint as long as they are powered by natural gas. Both him and Leon Perera have advocated for the use of battery swap stations since 2019. In the same speech, he also mooted the idea of an ASEAN Autonomous Vehicle and Electric Vehicle project that holistically looks at all the challenges of EVs across the region.
• In 2019, the WP called for the Government to consider setting a date far in the future for a total fossil fuel vehicle ban. It also asked the government to provide road users with sufficient non-diesel alternatives, to “...attend more to the electric vehicle and charging stations availability side of the equation” and to do “...more to promote adoption of electric and hybrid vehicles,” stressing that EVs are key if Singapore is to meet its Paris Climate Change accords.
• In 2017, Daniel Goh asked what other plans the Government had in promoting the use of electric vehicles besides more charging points. He also asked for the conclusions of a six month e-bus trial and whether that meant a go-ahead for electrified public vehicles.

What is the stance on the transition to zero emissions vehicles (ZEVs) and powering them with clean energy sources?

Singapore Democratic Party

The SDP proposed clear policies for full electrification of vehicles before the government announced its plans in the 2020 budget. The proposals are similar, including leading the transition with taxis and buses, incentives for private car owners to switch, and mass expansion of EV charging points.

Elaboration

• The SDP proposes full electrification of vehicles by 2050, and plans to incentivize the take-up of EVs through slashing the road tax for such vehicles (p.11-13).
• The party plans to expand charging capacities by installing charging points at all HDB and public carparks. SDP proposes to use the $500 million budget for the new ERP system to expand charging points instead (p.13).
• The SDP acknowledges that EVs also create emissions through the energy used to power them (p.11).

What is the stance on the transition to zero emissions vehicles (ZEVs) and powering them with clean energy sources?

Singapore People's Party

The SPP has not articulated any policies on zero emissions vehicles.

What is the stance on the transition to zero emissions vehicles (ZEVs) and powering them with clean energy sources?

Reform Party

The Reform Party proposes reducing COE for car owners looking to switch to EVs. It also advocates for point to point Electric Car share clubs, and more charging stations.

Elaboration

• The Reform Party proposes that the COE “...be reduced to 5% of its current rate for all car owners who exchange a petrol or diesel engine vehicle for an electric one and 10% for those who buy an electric vehicle without exchanging.
• They advocate for “...expanding the adoption of point to point electric car share clubs with a commensurate expansion in the provision of charge stations.”

How does the party affect the space for ground-up communities to take collective action?

People's Action Party

Singapore’s unique socio-political and cultural context has limited the emergence of movements that present dissenting views. However, the PAP government does indeed support select ground-up initiatives, especially youth-led ones, through various forms.

Elaboration

• The PAP government is not always agreeable towards differing opinions and views in Singapore. People have called for the PAP government to expand liberal education in Singapore so as to develop more critical Singaporeans.
• Though contentious, Singapore ranks low on the world press freedom ranking report.
• Additionally, laws that have a broad reach such as the Public Order Act can create uncertainties in movement-building and the vocalising of opinions.
• However, the PAP government does support select initiatives through various means such as grant schemes.There are several examples of how the PAP government supports these ground-up movements. eg. The “National Youth Fund (NYF) supports ground-up youth initiatives to champion community and social causes through partnerships with Youth Sector Organisations (YSO) including youth social enterprises, schools, Institutes of Higher Learning (IHL) and other community partners.”, SG Youth Action Plan with "up to $50,000 in grants to support youth-led innovations", and a $50 million SG Eco Fund to support sustainability projects that nudge people and communities towards environmentally-friendly behaviour.
• Additionally, the PAP government has historically praised and affirmed various ground-up movements

How does the party affect the space for ground-up communities to take collective action?

Worker's Party

Given the limited capacity WP has to affect the space of collective action, they have contributed significantly to expressing the need for more room for public discourse.

Elaboration

• The WP has repeatedly spoken out and voted against policies that arguably minimise the space for public discourse, such as the Protection from Online Falsehoods and Manipulation Bill, Films Act, Administration of Justice (Protection) Act, the Criminal Law (Temporary Provisions) Bill, and the Public Order and Safety (Special Powers) Bill.
• In its 2020 manifesto, the WP proposed a series of measures aimed at fostering greater democractic participation, like lowering the vote age to 18, safeguarding public institutions, strengthening legislative insights, and implementing media reforms (34)
• In a parliament debate, WP secretary-general Pritam Singh criticised the unfair negative aspersions cast on “loving critics” of Singapore, highlighting the numerous contributions such critics have made to society.

How does the party affect the space for ground-up communities to take collective action?

Singapore Democratic Party

Given the limited capacity SDP has to affect the space of collective action, they have contributed significantly to expressing the need for Singapore to alter its social landscape so that public discourse and critical thinking can emerge.

Elaboration

• In its policy paper on education, SDP highlights the pitfalls of having an education ecosystem that creates individuals who “adhere to a system [with] unquestioning obedience.” This structure ultimately creates a society that will “find it difficult to exercise their minds in an independent and unfettered manner” and as such, will limit the possibilities of independent, organic initiatives from emerging.
• Additionally, in this same paper, SDP has expressed the importance of academic freedom.
• In its “New Economic Vision”, SDP makes several policy proposals to encourage the development of a more democratic political system under the chapter on “Freeing the mind.”
• It is also argued that their repeated calls for greater freedom of speech correlated to the creation of Speakers’ Corner.

How does the party affect the space for ground-up communities to take collective action?

Singapore People's Party

The SPP suggests a range of measures to engage youth communities and encourage them to take collective action. Most notably, the party proposes establishing youth committees to engage student organisations in tertiary institutions.

Elaboration

• The SPP proposes reducing the voting age from 21 to 18 so as to have a say in policies that affect them (2).
• The party suggests increasing youth engagement in policymaking through “establishing non-partisan youth-led committees that engage student organisations in tertiary institutions,” so as to include them in policymaking processes (3).

How does the party affect the space for ground-up communities to take collective action?

Reform Party

The Reform Party has not articulated any policies about expanding the space for ground-up communities to take collective action.

What is the party’s stance on transparency and accountability with the public and other civil society groups?

People's Action Party

There is still a lack of transparency with regards to releasing data and key findings from public consultations. However, it must be recognised that the PAP government does engage the public and other civil society groups on various socio-political issues.

Elaboration

• There is still a lack of transparency from the PAP government. For instance, there is currently no information on key data that could reflect Singapore’s commitment to combating the climate crisis, such as the amount of investment in overseas coal projects, or a timeline for a green transition, or how the carbon tax has been calculated. This lack of data also prevents the public from keeping the PAP government accountable to targets and metrics.
• 2018 BUR report uses statistics from 2014 and more updated statistics (2017 figures) on our greenhouse gas emissions were only articulated when prompted. This shows that some data is available but not shared in a timely and proactive manner. The EIA Results of Tenga were not disclosed in full
• Instead of transparency, rhetorical diversions are employed. Data is described as ‘sensitive’ (for example, when asked about individual refineries’ emissions following an expansion) or ‘not productive’ (when asked about company-specific data on the amount of carbon tax companies are paying).
• In terms of public engagement, meetings are oftentimes held behind closed doors and only summaries of key takeaways are produced as opposed to releasing complete data. This may allow for manicuring or selective showcasing.
• These issues persist, despite there being several platforms to engage with MPs such as the Meet-The-People sessions. Additionally, working groups (some related to climate action) have been formed and public consultations have been convened.

What is the party’s stance on transparency and accountability with the public and other civil society groups?

Workers' Party

WP believes that data, reports and key findings should be made publicly available so that the public can hold the government accountable.

Elaboration

• The WP has consistently asked for better transparency and freedom of information and pointed out the information asymmetry between the government and citizens, and have also called for full live streaming for all Parliament sittings.
• In his Bold Green Agenda Speech in the 2020 Budget Debates, Dennis Tan advocated for the NCCS to “consider working with public and private research agencies and researchers on this [climate change] so that easy-to-access facts and evidence on climate change can be in the public domain.”
• In a 2019 parliamentary question, Pritam Singh asked MEWR if “the NEA life cycle assessment study on plastics be made public in its entirety for the use of academics, professionals and the lay public so as to promote an evidence-based approach to climate solutions suited for the Singapore context.”
• During the second reading of the 2018 Carbon Pricing Bill, Leon Perera asked if the Government would consider making data on individual large emitters' emissions publicly available. He argued that doing so “would nudge emitters to do better reduce their emissions” and would also allow researchers the “opportunity to access data to track Singapore's progress to meeting our commitments under the Paris Agreement, and to scrutinise the effectiveness of the carbon tax and other green measures amongst other possibilities.”
• In his 2020 COS Speech, WP MP Daniel Goh recommended that it should be required that Government bodies and large companies conduct annual carbon auditing. He argued that carbon auditing can help organisations “understand their greenhouse inventory, isolate each emission source, and hence, determine and model emission reduction strategies, their payback and viability”. He also advocated for carbon auditing subsidies for companies for the next 10 years.
• In its 2020 GE Manifesto, the WP also stated that “CPF members must be given transparency on the nature and performance of their money” (13). Additionally, the party also believes that “Documents in the National Archives that are declassified after 25 years from the date of record should be made freely accessible to all.” “This will ensure greater transparency and accountability, and lead to a better understanding of our history” (34).

What is the party’s stance on transparency and accountability with the public and other civil society groups?

Singapore Democratic Party

Given the limited capacity SDP has to affect the amount of transparency and the space of transparent participation, they have repeatedly articulated its stance for more transparency.

Elaboration

• Additionally, they have called for GIC and Temasek Holdings to “be transparent and accountable to the public” regarding investments that may affect environmental issues (p.24).
• In a correspondence that was made public, SDP had sought a meeting with Facebook to enquire about how Facebook’s use of Cambridge Analytica (a political consulting firm linked with selling personal data of American voters to the Donald Trump political campaign) might have an impact on Singapore's political ecosystem and elections.
• In the creation of their climate change policy brief, they have also engaged with various environmental groups, highlighting their openness to participation with civil society.

What is the party’s stance on transparency and accountability with the public and other civil society groups?

Singapore People's Party

The SPP supports a range of transparency and accountability policies, such as a Freedom of Information Act (FOIA), the publication of CPF investment returns, and declarations of assets held by elected officials.

Elaboration

• The SPP suggests that a FOIA will alleviate the problem of fake news. The party also says that such a policy can make information more readily accessible, reducing the current asymmetry between government actors and academics, politicians, and civil society (10).
• The party also demands that “the return on investments from the investment of CPF monies should be made public” to improve trust in government (9).
• The party proposes that all elected officials should publicly declare their assets so as to reduce conflicts of interest (11).

What is the party’s stance on transparency and accountability with the public and other civil society groups?

Reform Party

The Reform Party has not articulated its stance on transparency and accountability with the public and other civil society groups.

How does the party intend to educate the public on climate issues?

People's Action Party

There are some shortfalls to the Ministry of Education’s current curricula. More broadly, state-wide campaigns largely focus on individual action and tend to skirt around the biggest emitters- industries. Many campaigns choose to disproportionately highlight the role of households and individuals.

Elaboration

• In current curricula, there is still a focus on individual action and environmental sciences, which may cause a misidentification of responsibility. There is no emphasis on localised impacts of and national complicity in the climate crisis.
• Additionally, other aspects of the climate crisis such as eco-anxiety are not addressed. This inadvertently downplays the severity of the climate crisis and discounts what many people- especially individuals who are still in school- are feeling.
• State-wide campaigns such as Year Towards Zero Waste still focus on individual action.

How does the party intend to educate the public on climate issues?

Workers' Party

WP’s stance on educating the public on climate issues is unclear though they have somewhat gestured to the role of education in combating this crisis.

Elaboration

• The WP has called for a nationwide public education campaign to raise awareness on the effects of single use plastics and sustainable alternatives in its 2020 GE manifesto (30).
• In his Bold Green Agenda Speech in the 2020 Budget Debates, Dennis Tan said, “To encourage Singaporeans, we should ramp up our public education to reach out to Singaporeans of all ages and educational levels and in different languages [...] We should even encourage easy accessibility to the latest research on climate change by the average citizen. Translating this research into readable, digestible commentaries for Singaporeans gives further buy-in and builds awareness.”

How does the party intend to educate the public on climate issues?

Singapore Democratic Party

SDP says that it hopes to generate more “socio-environmental consciousness,” but its stance on educating the public on climate issues is unclear.

How does the party intend to educate the public on climate issues?

Singapore People’s Party

The SPP suggests that education curricula should focus more strongly on environmental issues. The party emphasises that environmental education must be incorporated across subject matters, educate on the socio-political areas of the climate crisis, convey appropriate urgency, and empower students to combat the crisis. However, the SPP fell short in terms of extending this consciousness and empowerment to the public.

Elaboration

• The SPP proposes that environmental consciousness should be integrated into Singapore’s education system.
• The SPP’s states that “environmental education should be included in the study of subjects like history, mathematics, physics, biology, etc. This way, we can ensure that Singaporeans are armed with the necessary knowledge, empathy and skills to live a sustainable lifestyle and play their role in combating the climate emergency. This will also help to deepen student’s understanding of climate change as not just an environmental issue but also a social, cultural and political one” (18).

How does the party intend to educate the public on climate issues?

Reform Party

he Reform Party’s stance on educating the public on climate issues is unclear. They did propose public education to “encourage reduction and a new relationship to rampant consumerism.”, however there are no more details beyond that. Since that proposal was given in the context of dealing with waste, we have thus accounted for that statement in the Waste section instead.

What are the party’s plans for mitigation and adaptation in relation to biodiversity and nature?

People's Action Party

Singapore has long prioritised economic gains over environmental protection. Increases in green spaces are mostly attributed to urban greening. Huge imports of sand has also led to the destruction of natural spaces in other countries.Where biodiversity has been lost within Singapore, there has been some effort put into restoring or re-establishing lost species and natural ecosystems. Some targets related to reporting carbon stock and carbon flux in vegetation and land use, restoring selected ecosystems and tree planting have been set.

Elaboration

• Singapore’s development plans have led to the loss of secondary forests (in the planned construction of the Mandai Eco-Tourism Hub and Tengah New Town) and the loss of carbon sink (due to the development of Bukit Brown Cemetery). Taken together, Singapore’s land use has changed from being a net absorber to a net emitter of carbon.
• Singapore’s reliance on sand imports has led to destruction of habitats and livelihoods in many Southeast Asian countries.
• At the same time, Singapore aims to restore and reestablish lost species and natural ecosystems such as through the ABC Rivers Programme and the Coral Nursery Project, and has attempted to increase green cover by planting 250,000 trees by 2029 (through the Forest Restoration Action Plan).
• Under the Aichi Targets, Singapore has committed to accounting for carbon stock and carbon flux in vegetation and land use every two years, restoring or enhancing the natural ecosystem of 3 selected parks, 3 coastal areas.

What are the party’s plans for mitigation and adaptation in relation to biodiversity and nature?

Worker's Party

WP has raised concerns over the recent “prioritisation of development projects over the benefits afforded by sensitive ecosystems” because it has led to Singapore’s land changing from a “net absorber of carbon in 2012 to a net emitter in 2014”. Further, they have requested for increased commitment to protecting nature reserves.

Elaboration

• In a 2020 COS MEWR speech, Dennis Tan asked if the 2019 Forest Restoration Act would “...help in converting land in Singapore back to a net absorber of carbon?”
• In his 2018 MEWR COS speech, Leon Perera asked what the Government was doing to protect intertidal habitats in danger of being flooded by rising sea levels. He also asked if soft engineering approaches were being considered, and also if Singapore’s offshore islands were also being considered for coastal protection measures as well.
• In their 2019 statement, they said: “To this end, in 2018, the WP questioned the government on its plans for soft-engineering and on protecting these ecosystems which are themselves vulnerable to impacts of climate change such as sea level rise and ocean acidification, and to other human stressors such as land reclamation.”

What are the party’s plans for mitigation and adaptation in relation to biodiversity and nature?

Singapore Democratic Party

The SDP’s climate policy argues that forests and natural areas should be prioritized. Instead, other spaces such as golf courses should be gazetted for development. Further, SDP recommends the aggressive enforcement of the Transboundary Haze Pollution Act to prevent the destruction of forests in Indonesia and Malaysia.

Elaboration

• Based on the SDP’s plan, “forests in Singapore would be left undisturbed and HDB estates would, instead, replace existing golf courses. Given the scarcity of land in Singapore, golf courses reserved for the recreation of the wealthy few make little sense” (p.19).
• SDP recommends “targeting the commercial entities responsible for the fires” in Indonesia and Malaysia, signalling stronger future responses towards forest burning. The SDP also criticizes the lack of enforcement and prosecution towards companies in Singapore who have flouted the Transboundary Haze Pollution Act and have contributed to haze pollution. As such, they intend to “aggressively enforce the THPA to bring business entities that are involved with forest-burning companies to heel” (p.22).

What are the party’s plans for mitigation and adaptation in relation to biodiversity and nature?

Singapore People's Party

The SPP has not articulated any policies on legal protections of natural areas.

What are the party’s plans for mitigation and adaptation in relation to biodiversity and nature?

Reform Party

The Reform Party has not articulated any policies about environmental protection.

How does the party factor environmental conservation and protection into their policymaking process?

People's Action Party

Environmental Impact Assessments (EIA) are neither mandatory by law nor are there penalties when environmental impact mitigation measures are not implemented, despite the PAP government’s acknowledgement of the need to incorporate biodiversity assessments into their land use decisions.

Elaboration

• EIAs are not mandatory by law as they are in other areas in the region such as Hong Kong, Taiwan and Mainland China.
• Senior Parliamentary Secretary for National Development, Sun Xueling, responding to the case of roadkill in the development of Mandai, has also stated that there are no penalties for not implementing environmental impact mitigation measures.
• This is in spite of NParks’ National Biodiversity Strategy having articulated the need to “consider biodiversity issues in policy and decision-making” as a key strategy. This is supported by a ministerial reply by the Ministry of National Development that development projects that are near to sensitive areas are required to undergo in-depth consultation processes with relevant technical agencies.

How does the party factor environmental conservation and protection into their policymaking process?

Workers' Party

WP has asked for greater emphasis to be placed on environmental impact assessments on urbanization and development decisions so as to reduce the urban heat island effects.

Elaboration

• In a 2020 COS MEWR speech, Dennis Tan asked whether or not the state would commit to “...securing the inviolability of our nature reserves and greater protection of the little that is left of our more natural green eco-systems in the future?”
• In his 2019 cut from the annual budget statement, Pritam Singh pointed out that research showed how greening efforts on the part of the Government actually does little to mitigate rising urban temperatures, once the loss from open areas and secondary forests are taken into account. He asked how the Government was going to ensure that urbanisation was not going to come at the expense of green spaces, and hoped for a future where greater emphasis is placed on environmental impact assessments.

How does the party factor environmental conservation and protection into their policymaking process?

Singapore Democratic Party

The SDP has not made any policy commitments towards increased procedural safeguards (such as mandatory Environmental Impact Assessments) or increased legal rights for natural areas.

How does the party factor environmental conservation and protection into their policymaking process?

Singapore People's Party

The SPP proposes that Environmental Impact Assessments (EIAs) should be made mandatory and publicly available to foster more informed and inclusive decision-making.

Elaboration

• The SPP says “We call for EIAs to be made mandatory [...] and have their reports made available on a public depository”
• The party adds that this is particularly important for “construction works taking place near natural parks or nature reserves in Singapore” (7).

How does the party factor environmental conservation and protection into their policymaking process?

Reform Party

The Reform Party has not articulated any policies about environmental protection.

To what extent is the party’s waste management plan targeted at reducing carbon emissions?

People's Action Party

The PAP government launched its Zero Waste Master Plan (ZWMP) in Aug 2019, and it does connect waste management to mitigating climate change. Increasing attention is also paid to HFCs, which have a greater global warming potential than CO2. Another waste stream with greater impact on emissions which is targeted under the ZWMP is food.

Elaboration

• The Zero Waste Master Plan links waste reduction to climate change as one of “3 Resiliences”.
• NEA recently announced measures which directly emphasise carbon emissions reduction from managing refrigeration and air-conditioning, but other countries have already mandated the proper recovery and reclamation or destruction of HFC refrigerants.
• The National Environment Agency (NEA) plans to launch a training course to train and certify technicians to handle refrigerants properly later this year, and will mandate the proper recovery, reclamation and destruction of spent refrigerants from July 2021.
• Another waste stream with greater impact on emissions relative to other waste streams which is targeted under the Zero Waste master plan is food. The NEA has designated food waste as one of three priority waste streams under its Zero Waste Masterplan. However the focus is on segregation and treatment of food waste.

To what extent is the party’s waste management plan targeted at reducing carbon emissions?

Worker's Party

The WP’s manifesto connects waste to carbon emissions, and suggests that the carbon footprints of different products be published to encourage targeted waste reduction.

Elaboration

• The 2020 manifesto states that “The carbon footprint for different products using sustainable, non-plastic materials should be published, together with full disclosure of the scientific methodology used to arrive at the numbers” (p.31)

To what extent is the party’s waste management plan targeted at reducing carbon emissions?

Singapore Democratic Party

The SDP recognises that reducing waste and recycling help to save energy, but does not have a waste management plan targeted at reducing emissions.

Elaboration

• SDP notes that “reducing waste and [increasing] recycling [will] help to decrease the generation of greenhouse gases by helping to save energy in the processing and manufacturing of materials for industrial and consumer use” (p. 27).

To what extent is the party’s waste management plan targeted at reducing carbon emissions?

Singapore People's Party

The SPP has not articulated any policies about a waste management plan targeted at reducing the carbon emissions.

To what extent is the party’s waste management plan targeted at reducing carbon emissions?

Reform Party

The Reform Party’s manifesto addresses waste as an issue but does not mention carbon emissions as an area to be tackled.

How does the party plan to reduce waste?

People's Action Party

Singapore has a high waste generation rate. Yet, the PAP government’s current policies prioritise waste treatment eg. recycling, as opposed to reducing waste generation. More binding regulations could be implemented to quickly reduce waste generation.

Elaboration

• Singapore’s waste generation rate of 2.98kg/capita/day in 2017 was the 9th highest rate among the 216 countries in the World Bank’s database.
• While legislation mandating food waste segregation and treatment will kick in from 2024, the reduction of food waste is mostly encouraged through guidebooks and public education campaigns, rather than more binding regulations like a food waste charge, which has been effective in reducing food waste in South Korea. The implementation of an RFID-based food waste collection and charging system in Songpa district in Seoul reduced food waste by 25 percent from 2012 to 2017.
• The Resource Sustainability Act (RSA) introduced in 2019 mandates that large waste producers take responsibility for managing their waste, but the focus is on end-of-life treatment
• Under the RSA, a mandatory packaging reporting framework aimed at reducing packaging waste amongst large scale producers has been introduced. It will also lay the foundation for an Extended Producer Responsibility (EPR) framework for managing packaging waste, that will be implemented no later than 2025. However, the reporting framework ultimately still attempts to only incentivise companies to reduce waste, instead of having binding regulations that would force businesses to take action, such as example a plastic bag tax.
• NEA has implemented policies to promote repair by allocating space for the repair trade in hawker centres and promoting initiatives such as repair kopitiam. Disposables are also disallowed in some, but not all NEA-managed hawker centres. Yet, these are not yet rolled out on a large scale.

How does the party plan to reduce waste?

Workers' Party

The WP has called for a single use plastic ban in its 2020 manifesto. It has also consistently pushed more for policies to reduce plastic waste in parliament. The party has also suggested some initiatives targeted at food waste.

Elaboration

• The 2020 manifesto calls for a single-use plastic charge and micro-plastics ban phased over 5 years, and banning styrofoam where possible (p.30-31).
• Daniel Goh mooted the idea of a community led recycling programme by mobilising local grassroots in the2020 COS MEWR Debate.
• In his 2019 MEWR COS cut, Daniel Goh advocated further green education for the wider public on the dos and don'ts of recycling. He also called for MEWR to tackle new consumption patterns brought about by online shopping, suggesting a packaging tax. He also asked if MEWR would consider working with BCA to “...to promote the reusing of waste by our construction companies for their projects?”
• In his 2018 MEWR COS cut, Leon Perera asked if the government was considering “....imposing labelling requirements or a ban on industrially-produced microbeads as in the US and UK?” He also asked what the Government’s plan was for reducing overall plastic waste consumption.
• In his 2018 MEWR COS cut, Dennis Tan asked if the government had any plan to reduce the use of plastic disposables in Singapore, and also if the viability of biodegradable plastic carrier bags had been studied and considered.
• In the same COS debate, Daniel Goh asked if the NEA was monitoring waste being produced by the food delivery industry.
• In his 2016 COS MEWR cut, Daniel Goh called for food recycling to be made more accessible at town centres by having the NEA expand pilot food recycling projects to cover a wider catchment area that would include private coffee shops and grocery stores. He also called for NEA to encourage food waste recycling at clusters of F&B joints, which he noted would present more challenges.

How does the party plan to reduce waste?

Singapore Democratic Party

The SDP proposes to introduce binding regulations and incentives to reduce waste that go beyond public education campaigns.

Elaboration

• The SDP’s public education campaign for waste involves (p.1) encouraging consumers to BYO when buying food, (p.2) lowering rent for hawkers who are able to reduce their use of plastic carriers, (p.3) changing MOE’s environmental education curriculum to include “classes in recycling” (p.29).
• The SDP proposes a legislation to prohibit corporations from manufacturing products that depend on single-use packaging (p. 29).

How does the party plan to reduce waste?

Singapore People's Party

The SPP calls for the Extended Producer Responsibility (EPR) scheme to be expanded to include all waste streams, a minor but notable contribution to existing efforts.

Elaboration

• The EPR scheme, which mandates producer responsibility for collection and treatment of waste, presently covers a range of electronic appliances, and will cover packaging by 2025.
• The SPP suggests that “while packaging and electronic waste form a sizable portion of Singapore’s waste mix, other waste streams should be included under the umbrella of the EPR schemes,” suggesting that all waste streams should be addressed under the EPR scheme (7).

How does the party plan to reduce waste?

Reform Party

There is recognition that waste reduction requires a reduction in consumption, rather than individual acts such as reducing plastic straws. The Reform Party also suggests introducing composting to further reduce waste. However, they stopped short of articulating concrete policies.

Elaboration

• The Reform Party suggests educating Singaporeans in order to form a new relationship to “rampant consumerism” and reduce consumption.
• They also propose creating community composting sites in order to introduce composting into the waste cycle

How does the party plan to reduce carbon emissions for new buildings?

People's Action Party

Green building standards need to be drastically improved and aligned with net-zero targets that include emissions from the energy they consume while in use as well as those embodied in their materials. Singapore has its own green building certification standards and various policies in place including R&D grants and financial incentives to support the development of green buildings, but this is insufficient to meet the above targets.

Elaboration

• BCA’s Super Low Energy Building Technology Roadmap only leads to a 60-80% improvement in energy efficiency by 2030, with no target for achieving net-zero energy buildings This is in spite of the World Green Building Council’s (WGBC) call for all new and existing buildings to achieve net zero operational energy by 2050.
• Minimal focus has been put into achieving net zero embodied carbon, which accounts for the carbon footprint of all materials used in the entire process from construction to operational. Only a small fraction of the total points available in the Green Mark system are awarded for using low carbon materials. Again, the WGBC has called for all new buildings to achieve net zero embodied carbon by 2050 but Singapore is far from reaching this goal.
• That said, Singapore has made notable progress in the development of green buildings such as greening 40% of all buildings with a target of 80% by 2030, publishing energy performance data for all buildings, encouraging households to purchase energy-efficient appliances, supporting green building advancement in the region, and leading with the public sector.

How does the party plan to reduce carbon emissions for new buildings?

Worker's Party

The Workers Party has not called for any significant changes regarding new buildings.

Elaboration

• Leon Perera asked, during a reading of the carbon pricing bill in 2018 to consider measures regarding Urban Heat Island effect caused by buildings and built-up areas. The Urban Heat Island effect is important as it increases air conditioning loads. Perera also called for a requirement for developers to install a certain minimum capacity for solar panels on roofs.
• Dennis Tan in his Bold Green Agenda Speech in the 2020 Budget Debates, reiterated the potential of reducing the Urban Heat Island Effect and energy-efficiency in towns.

How does the party plan to reduce carbon emissions for new buildings?

Singapore Democratic Party

The SDP has identified air conditioning as a major source of emissions, and proposes designing for natural ventilation to mitigate it. They also intend to introduce criteria to assess future development plans to ensure green buildings. However, there is no definition on how these proposals could meet net-zero targets.

Elaboration

• The SDP will adopt criteria to assess future development projects under a ‘Green Concept Building Plan’, including: minimal disturbance to landscapes and site condition, use of non-toxic and recycled/recyclable material, efficient use of water and water recycling, use of energy-efficient and eco-friendly types of equipment, use of renewable energy, quality of indoor air quality for human safety and comfort, effective controls and building management systems. (p.27)
• The party also plans to design buildings with natural cooling techniques in place such as cross-ventilation and using appropriate materials in order to reduce the energy carbon emissions required for cooling the interior of buildings. (p.27)
• However, these changes are suggested to cut energy consumption by only 30%. This is still far from meeting net-zero targets towards construction, which the party has no suggestions to achieve in the policy paper.

How does the party plan to reduce carbon emissions for new buildings?

Singapore People's Party

The SPP has not articulated any policies about reducing carbon emissions for new buildings

How does the party plan to reduce carbon emissions for new buildings?

Reform Party

The Reform Party highlights the link between demolishing and rebuilding infrastructure and carbon emissions. They propose regulating new buildings under their ‘Response to Climate Change Act’, but lack detail about how the regulations will work.

Elaboration

• Reform Party’s manifesto suggests implementing a “strict new code” for the embodied carbon of materials for new buildings.

How does the party plan to reduce carbon emissions for existing buildings?

People's Action Party

No net-zero operation carbon targets or emissions-targeted approach are in place as of yet. That said, existing buildings are included under the Green Mark Scheme, and are targeted by various policies which enforce particular sustainability standards and provide financial and informational support to owners to retrofit their buildings.

Elaboration

• The World Green Building Council (WGBC) has called for all new and existing buildings to achieve net zero operational energy by 2050, but there is no clear roadmap for this.
• There are piecemeal initiatives such as:
  - Under the Building Control Regulation, all new buildings and buildings undergoing major retrofitting are required to achieve a minimum sustainability standard
  - The HDB Green Towns Programme aims to reduce energy consumption by 15% in existing HDB towns through solar panels, smart lighting, cool coatings and other improvements.
• There are also various incentive schemes under the 3rd Green Building Master Plan to encourage energy efficiency retrofit projects, but not net-zero operational energy projects
  - Productivity Innovation Project (PIP) scheme which uses subsidies to encourage contractors to use technology to improve efficiency of their operations.
  - SGBC-BCA Zero Capital Partnership Scheme which provides expertise and grants for companies interested in implementing energy efficiency retrofit projects.
  - Building Retrofit Energy efficiency financing (BREEF) scheme.
  - S$50 Million Green Mark Incentive Scheme for Existing Buildings and Premises (GMIS-EBP) which incentivises SME tenants and building owners to adopt energy efficiency by co-funding up to 50% of retro-fitting cost.

How does the party plan to reduce carbon emissions for existing buildings?

Workers' Party

Besides calling for more incentives and funding for greening private estates, the Workers Party has not voiced out on plans to reduce carbon emissions for existing buildings sufficiently for a score to be given.

Elaboration

• Dennis Tan, in his Bold Green Agenda speech in the 2020 Budget Debates, has advocated for the expanding the Estate Upgrading Programme to include greening items for private estates as well as incentives to push them to install solar energy, such as by allowing excess power to be sold back to the power grid
• In the same speech, Dennis Tan expressed support for the HDB Green Towns Programme and asked if it would also retroactively apply to older HDB estates

How does the party plan to reduce carbon emissions for existing buildings?

Singapore People's Party

The SPP has not articulated any policies about reducing carbon emissions for existing buildings.

How does the party plan to reduce carbon emissions for existing buildings?

Reform Party

While the Reform Party proposes that existing buildings can be adapted or retro-fitted, and aims to encourage this through incentives such as tax breaks and training programmes. However, there are no details beyond that, which would distinguish their proposal from existing policies by BCA.

How does the party plan to reduce emissions from the ongoing use of HFCs in refrigerants?

People's Action Party

Singapore has not ratified the Kigali Amendment to the Montreal Protocol, an international agreement that will help to reduce the production and consumption of HFCs. However, it has put in place a mandatory labeling scheme to encourage households and building owners to select appliances that utilise ‘climate friendly’ refrigerants. There is also a planned grant to encourage buildings to use climate-friendly refrigerants and to phase out refrigeration and air conditioning (RAC) equipment that use high-global warming potential (GWP) refrigerants, and building capacity and mandating the proper decommissioning of RAC equipment.

Elaboration

• Unlike 93 other countries, Singapore has yet to ratify the 2016 Kigali Amendment to the Montreal Protocol to phase down hydrofluorocarbons (HFCs). In 2010, the CO2 equivalent of Singapore's HFC emissions (2.2 Mt) was about 4% of its total CO2 emissions (55.6 Mt). Singapore only began to require licenses for HFC imports in 2019, to collect more accurate trade data, and even if it ratified the agreement, it would only be required to reduce HFC consumption by 30% of 2022 levels by 2035 due to its developing country status in international climate agreements.
• The IPCC warns that “increasing global demand for air conditioning in buildings may also lead to increased emissions of HFCs” for the air conditioning sector, and recommends that “their projected future impact can be significantly mitigated through better servicing and maintenance of equipment and switching of cooling gases”.
• NEA will introduce a voluntary climate-friendly label to help households identify refrigerators and air-conditioners that use alternative refrigerants with lower global warming potential.
• In addition, NEA intends to launch a new grant to support companies who want to make an early switch to more climate-friendly commercial water-cooled chillers. From 2022, NEA intends to restrict the supply of commercial water-cooled chillers and household refrigerators and air-conditioners that use HFCs with high global warming potential.
• Recently announced measures to reduce greenhouse gas emissions from refrigeration and air-conditioning by NEA which includes, amongst others, a Climate-friendly Label for household air-conditioners and refrigerators, a ban on supply of RAC equipment that use high-GWP refrigerants from Q4 2022, training and certification of technicians to prevent HFC leakage, and mandating recovery, and reclamation or destruction of refrigerants from July 2021.

How does the party plan to reduce emissions from the ongoing use of HFCs in refrigerants?

Workers' Party

The Workers Party has not engaged with the issue of HFCs in refrigerants and thus no score is given.

How does the party plan to reduce emissions from the ongoing use of HFCs in refrigerants?

Singapore Democratic Party

Though multiple proposals were raised to reduce reliance on air conditioning, the issue of HFC consumption was not addressed in their policy paper.

How does the party plan to reduce emissions from the ongoing use of HFCs in refrigerants?

Singapore People's Party

The SPP has not articulated any policies about the ongoing use of HFCs in refrigerants.

How does the party plan to reduce emissions from the ongoing use of HFCs in refrigerants?

Reform Party

The Reform Party proposed a household green grant for HDB residents to opt for greener refrigerants in order to reduce HFCs in individual households. The party has also said that it “wants to see a phasing out of HFCs in favour of refrigerants with lower global warming potential and better servicing and repairing of existing HFC units”.